Europa og vesten
ligger i villrede, i dyp indre uro og med spenninger som ingen kan se noen
løsning på. Det reageres med hysteri og undring, med hat, skepis, lammelse – og
håp, tross alt.
Men Europa og Vesten
ligger i splid med seg selv. Europa, spesielt, ligger i indre uro og
forvirring.
Hvorfor islamsk
terror? Huh, muslimsk terror? Eh - Ekstemistiske handlinger? som Erna Solberg
kaller det, nå like etter «Sri-Lanka-teroren».
Erna Solberg uttalte
dette ifb me terroren p New Zealand, som alle kjenner til:
DETTE ER HØYREEKSTREM
TERROR MOT MUSLIMER
Hun har nettopp sagt
dette om terroren på Sri Lanka:
DETTE ER RELIGIØS TERROR
MOT TROENDE
Jeg overlater til
tolkningseksperter selv å forså og tolke disse utsagn fra Norges Statsminister.
Kilden er uviss, men funnet på Faceebook. Jeg skal i det følgende forsøke å
forklare ikke bare hvorfor det går så galt, men også hvordan det kunne ha gått
bedre og hvordan man bedre kan forstå «den globale situasjon» i og for
fremtiden. Vi vil servere flere «ordblomster» som kan avsløre de underliggede,
radikale dillemmaene, og forvirringen rundt dem, og under, dillemmaer som ligger å
verker, spenninger som må få sin utløsning før eller siden, på en eller annen måte, og alle de lidelsene som komme i
flukt med alt dette. Vi har noe «å se frem til».
Vi skal i denne
posteringen ta for oss en rekke eksempler fra det virkelige liv på hvor
vanskelig det er for Vesten og Vestens ledere å forholde seg til «ytterpunktene»
som ligger innbakt i selve islam, i islam proper, og de manglende tankemessige
og holdningsmessige «mothaker» vi selv måtte ha innebygd, for om mulig å kunne
forsvarere oss, ikke bare horisontalt, i bredden og materielt, men også
vertikalt, åndelig, metafysisk eller trosmessig. Det er i det siste
perspektivet vi i fremtiden må henter krefter og motstandskraft fra.
Vi skal se at Vesten
har store problemer med å forholde seg til islams to – eller flere – ansikter.
Vi skal se at Vesten er veldig fortåelsesfull, full av pluralistiske
forhåpinger, tolerant, liberal og åpen, for islam, bare islam oppfører seg pent
og legger seg inn i folden, de vestlige folder, forsøksvis på Vesens premisser,
i hvert fall overflatisk sett.
Men vis kal også se at Vesten ris av en mare,
en frykt som rammer Vesten i Vestens innvoller, for ikke å si innerste sjel
eller ånd.
Vi viser til andre
artikler og postering her på boggen som viser hvor vanskelig Vesten har for å
nærme seg tilværelsen via vesensdefinisjoner eller essentialisering. Å essensialisere islam er en dødssyn i visse ledende
akademiske sirkler og miljøer. Det er min påstand at vi aldri vil forstå
hva islam er og hv islam innebærer og hva islamisme er, uten å være tillatt å
gå ned på vesensefinisjoner.
Ser vi ikke fenomenenes,
tingenes og relasjonenes vesen, ser vi rett og slett ikke problemet med dets
vesen, og da heller ikke hverken problemet eller forløsningen i denne
forbindelsen. Vi blir stående uten ord og begrepsløse overfor selve
virkeligheten, og her hjelper intet «verdisyn» som snakker om virkeligheten,
som om den reell definisjon av virkeligheten var fastslått en gang for alle i
og med «verdisynet». For verdisyn slik vi snakker om det i dag, er et høyst
eksternaliserende begrep, en definisjon som ikke trenger inn i den enkelts
essensielle karakater og personlighet, annet enn skoleboksmessig og
overflatisk, læren om verdisyn tendrer mot det overflatiske og akademiske, ikke
det indre levde livet, hvor «subjektiviteten» for så vidt er sannheten.
Vi tenker SAP som jeg skriver andre steder, vi tillater oss
ikke lenger å tenke det juridico-religico mennesket. De mest «arge og nyttige
idioter» gjør seg til hypermagikere,
se tablå på google her
og «Bangstad» her.
I en slik «overlappende
situasjon" – i et slikt videre scenario - sier det selv at vårt kollektive
underbevisste fort kan skades i sin grunnvoller av frykt og hysteri,
«størrelser» eller substanser som har lett tilgang når døren står på vidt gap
og verten byr dem inn, for å gjøre angsten utholdelig og frykten til noen man
kan servilisere seg under og som man tror man bruke for å kontrollere
inntrengerne, som altså er velkomne …
Vi skal se at Vesten
er hensynsfull, velmenende, men med en like sterkt driv mot selvdestruksjon som
mot politisk, kulturell og religøs dialog. Det hele koker ned til spørsmålet:
Hva er sivilisasjon? Hva er kultur? Hvem er Gud, og hvilken gud vil vi ha? Og
hvlken Gud bør vi ha. Ja, hvem er Gud? Og hvem er Allah – hvis Allah i det hele
tatt er en «hvem», altså en Person?
Men vi skal også se
dette: For se hva de islamske statenes OICs representanter sa etter
Christchurch:
– Vold med utspring i islamofobi må bli møtt med «seriøse,
omfattende og systematiske tiltak», heter det i en uttalelse fra de 57
muslimske landenes utenriksministre.
OIC uttaler at angrep mot moskeer og drap på muslimer viser
«det brutale, umenneskelige og grusomme resultatet» av islamhat. Organisasjonen
ber vestlige land som har muslimske innbyggere, minoriteter eller migranter om
å avstå fra «uttalelser og handlinger som forbinder islam med terror,
ekstremisme og trusler» mot samfunnet.
Vi skal se mer omkring dette
nedenfor, men først må forsøke å sette et visst fugleperspektiv på det og hvor
vi tar utgangspunkt i selve grunnlagsproblemattik og de tankeforutsetninger som
ligger under i alt dette, i håp om å få frem en viss presiserende klargjøring over
avgrunner og over grunnfjellet i selve tragedien, for å si det mildt.
1
Å sette ord på «ting»
kan være en av den vanskeligste oppggaver mennesket har fått. Ifølge
skapelsesberetningen i Bibelen – som ikke er utgått på dato, for øvrig – legger
Gud det på mennesket å sette navn på alle de ulikeartene Adam ser og opplever i Edens Hage, i den i dag syndig
verden, som omgir oss, og som vi ogir oss med. Vi er ikke ferdig med å
ordfeste, spørsmålet er om vi er oppgaven voksen.
I islam er det
Allah som har med ordsettingen å gjøre: Han presenterer et fullt ferdig
vokabular som Adam skal bruke, og det gjelder det jo å lystre eller underkaste
seg. Mennesket kan ikke tiltros ansvaret for ordene, eller for å tenke
selv, det kan komme ut på ett, Kant kaller det forstand når mennesket er i stand til å formulere begreper.
Dét vil etter Allah’s
mening ende i kaos, ja, synd, hvis mennesket skulle få lov og armslag til å
operere på egen hånd. Det ville for Allah bety at han selv tømte seg selv inn i
verden, men dette ligger ikke til Allah. Muslimer har derfor bare å holde sg
til Koranen – og det arabiske språket – så vil mennesket ha den rette standard
å bli dømt ut fra, når syndekataologen skal fremlegges dommens dag.
Jøden og den kristne –
som Adams etterkommere - har altså fullmakt til å være verbale bidragsytere i
Guds fremadskridende skapelse, (hvis vi for et øyeblitt antar at skapningen
faktisk er under utvikling og påvirkning fra oss mennesker). Som representant
for Adam, blir jøder og kristne i dag altså pålagt det største ansvar, fordi
det har språklig frihet. Islam, derimot, fratar mennesket denne høye status i
skapervekerket, den setter menneske på et lavere nivå, det kan ikke holdes
ansvarlig på samme måte, menneskets frihet begrenses og det meste overlates til
Allah’s vilje, ikke til Allah’s kjærlighet og Guds spesifikke nåde, Guds soning
for syndene og Guds ensidige inngripen i den menneskelige eksistens og den
enkeltes hjerte, som den store Forløser.
Sagt på en annen
måte: I islam blir hovedregelen deduksjon.
Mennesket – som Allah’s kalif eller forvalter – blir henvist til å slutte fra
ordkonstruksjoner allerede gitt som sannhter en gang for alle til fakta. I
jødedom og kristendom åpner Gud opp for en induktiv
holdning til skaperverket: Man kan slutte fra materien eller tingene
til ordene, som mennesket altså ifølge Gud selv kan og bør gjøre. Vi kan dermed
si at vitenskapen prisipielt eller i utganspunktet har meget dårligere kår innen
islam enn i den judeokristne tradisjonen. Det samme gjelder i forhold til
litteratur osv. Når vi så i tillegg vet at okkasjonalisme
som filosofi nærmest er enerådende som filosofisk utgangspukt i islam,
forstår vi at muslimer får en helt annen forhold til både mennesket selv og
tingene, fenomenene og relasjonene.
Okkasjonalismen bøyer seg for den tanke at Allah så å si
skaper verden på nytt for hvert milliontedeler av et nanosekund som går. Det
har bydd på stor problemer innen islam å dele opp tingene, fenomenene og
relasjonene i primære og sekundære årsaksrekker. Islam er redd for at Allah i
neste øyeblikk kan skape en helt ny situasjon, fordi alt avhenger av Allah’s
vilje til enhver tid, og det gjelder alt og alle til enhver tid. Samtidig
ligger det her en nifs fristelse for muslimer i det hele: Det den enkelte
troende – spesielt troende i høye maktmakposisjoner – tenker, vil og liksom må gjøre eller fefale i øyeblikket, det
er er det eneste riktige å gjøre, hvis det bare ikke strider eklatant mot Koranen
og de andre hellige skriftene i islam, skrifter som kan være mer eller mindre
hellige. (Vi hopper over de mindre betydningsfulle kontadiskjonene som Koranen
er stappet av).
I jødedom og
kristendommen legger Skriften tydelig at universet og verdens lover ligger fast,
og at de ligger fast fordi Gud har gjort en pakt om dette med mennesket, dvs
Adam. En pakt som skal stå til evig tid, fordi Gud har sagt det, og Gud kan
ikke bryte sine løfter. Mennesket i jødedom og kristendom kan derfor drive
vitenskap i den fortrøstning at virkeligheten grunnvilkår ikke endrer seg
vilkårlig så å si for hvert minutt som går. Mennesket har fått en fast grunn å
forske på, en grunn han kan ta for gitt og ikke fykte.
Når det kommer til
terror, kan det innen islam ikke være forbudt å drive nettopp terror, hvis det
kan fremme islams sak til enhver tid. Sier noen lærde at islam er under angrep,
har de troende straks en guddommelig hjemmel for å drive terror. (Og få
vestlige forstår hva som ligger i dette tilsynelatende overflatiske faktum). Ordet
terror er selv gitt av Allah
og utgått fra Allah og resitert ordrett av hans sendebud – ikke profet –
Muhammed. Det er brukt av sendebudet Muhammed flere ganger i Koranen, boken som
er det nærmeste man kan komme Allah’ vilje, (og karakter, om man vil, se sure
9. 111 bl a).
Terror i seg selv
blir dermed legitimert på aller høyeste plan. Terror blir da en plikt, et påbud
gitt ut fra ufravikelige og uigjenkallelige forordniger. Det heter da også at
den troende skal ofre både liv og eiendom for Allah og «profetenes» sak. Og
dette er det altså en sådan anlagt muslim kan identifisere i sitt innerst inne,
i hans vesen dypeste samvittighet, en samviten med Allah, som er hu achbar – den som er større enn ..
.
Når muslimer vil ha
seg frabedt beskyldninger om å drive terror mot ikkemuslimske mål i dag, har
det sammenheng med at «ordene» ikke er fastsatt av mennesker, men av Allah.
Ordet «terror» har en helt annen klang og en helt annen emosjonell og kognitiv
mening for muslimer enn for jøder og kristne. Terror i Vesten blir assosiert
med noe umoralsk og noe man ubetnget må ta avstand fra og fordømme. Terror både
som ord og fenomen innen islam må imidlertid oppfattes som noe nobelt, som et
hellig verktøy gitt av Allah selv, et ord som ikke må besudles, misfortås eller
misbukes. Allah’s ord er rent og ubesudlet, det kan ikke neglisjeres, dempes
eller avkortes. Det vil dermed oppfattes og fordømmes som blasfemisk å nevne
eller å bruke terror som noe negativt eller destruktivt og meningsløst, slik
ordet terror i dag brukes i Vesten.
For å si det enkelt:
Når urhistorien – rotmyten – i islam og jødedom og kristendom er så – dramtisk
- forskjellige som det er, så vil det ha enorme konsekvenser for hvordan et
menneske som underlegger seg eller tror denne hsitorien eller myten tenker.
Myten bestemmer
tankeforutsetningene og dermed også de generelle holdninger og oppfatninger, i
forhold till alle ting, alle relasjoner og alle fenomener, ja, og til og med i
forhold til alt genuint og autentisk emosjonelt liv, i islamsk «optikk», altså.
De ulike mytene
konstituerer menneskets grunnvilkår ned til minste detalj, til og med
følelsesliv «dikteres» av den myte man vokser opp med og den aktualle situasjon
mennesket til enhver tid og på ethvert sted står i, både overfor menneskene,
tingene og fenomenene, og avgjørende – i forhold til Allah og «profeten» og Gud.
For å si det enkelt:
Innen islam er det orduniverset som
teller, ikke tingene, materien og fenomen-universet.
Islams gud befaler mennesket å slutte fra hans ord til tingene. Den
judeokristne Gud tillater mennesket å slutte fra fenomene, tingene og
relasjonene til ordet og ordene, fra enkelttingen til det allmenne, fra res til
universalia. I islam er det motsatt. Islam tillater ingen primær korrespondanse-tenkning eller korrespondanse-holdning til verden og
menneksne. Den er tvert imot helt avhengig av en mer eller mindre klart
forutsatt koherens-holdning
til verden. Den indre sammhengen i islam og islams skrifter, blir avgjørende og
alltid tilstedeværende i den muslimske tro, i alle relasjoner. Det adekvate
forhold til virkeligheten, til mennesket, tingene og fenomenene bestemmes av
det som står i Koranen, og det som er koherent innen islam. Islam er med andre
ord fundamentalt et deduktivt system, ikke et
induktivt system. Tankeforutsetningen i de to «populasjonene» islam
og ikke-islam, blir deretter. I islam er det intet koherensbrudd når Koranen
uttaler motstridende eller kontradiktoriske og preskriptive utsagn. Inkoherens
innebærer inkoherense, uten problemer for den islamske tro, derav også
dualismen i islam, dette at noe er skart innenfor mens annet er skarpt utenfor
og dette gjenspeiler seg i det ulike menneskeverd islam gir ikke-Allah-troende.
Det sier seg selv at
dette er et svært rigid system, et system som man kan tro var klekket ut av en
tyrann som et redksap for å holde sine troende slaver på plass, slik at
overkalifene – de som representerer Allah og proften på denne jord - kan få
sitte trygt på sitt «tilkommende harem», sine koner, diamanter eller olje, og
sine mer eller mindre medfødte maktposisjoner. (Det er stor ære og nærmest en
nødvendig forutsetning å kunne «bevise» at man er en etter kommer etter
Muhammed i islam ww hvis man vil være et menneske med tyngde. Saddam Hussein
brukte mye penger for å forfalske sin anetavle til å inkludere Muhammed som en
av sine anefedre).
Islam legger, sagt på
en annen måte, store forpliktelser på sine troende. De forutsettes å handle i
strid med det de «ser» eller «føler» er riktig og i samsvar med virkeligheten
og virkelighetens lover uti alt fra det følelsesmessige til det rent
tankemessige. Den riktig fromme muslim må både føle og føgle boken og bokstaven
i stedet for å forholde seg fordomsfritt til tingene osv, slik de i seg selv
taler til oss, og, når det gjelder mennesket, slik det formelig trygler om
fleksibel kjærlighet, miskunn og nåde nær sagt for hvert øyeblikk som
inntreffer, (bortsett fra når seksualdriften, lykken og saligheten overstyrer
alt destruktivt, all lidelse - og ondt).
For å si det enda
enklere: Islam er et analytisk paradigme
eller system, jødedom og kristendom baseres på det motsatte, et syntetisk system. Det første systemet
trekker slutninger ut fra «universalia» som en gang for alle er fastsatt av
Allah, ikke sett ut fra skaperveket i seg selv. Det andre systemet – det
judeokristne - trekker slutninger ut fra
enkelttingene, fra skaperverket til «ordet», dvs normene, lovene, tanken,
følelsene og holdningene.
Enklest forklart
ligger jødedommen og kristentroen så å si kronisk åpen for at «idéen» - det
virkelige, ifølge Platon – både kommer før tingen samtidig som den ligger i
tingen, slik Aristoteles tolkes å hevde. Thomas av Aquinas mener universalia
kommer før, i og etter tingene. Jeg for min del ser her at Jesus er den
virkelighet som - reelt, konkret og praksis - formidler sammenhengen,
troverdigheten eller dialketikken mellom de to grunntilnærmingene til væren og
tingene. Men mer om dette, må jeg la ligge her.
I islam blir moralen
helt avhengig av koherensen i sitt eget fastlåste a priori gitte ordsystem
eller begrepsunivers. Moralen baseres så formallogisk ut fra systemet. I
virkeligheten kan dette perspektivet gjelde alle andre tankesett, alle andre
tankeforutsetninger, alle andre ideologier eller torer, men islam er det
systemet som selv betegner seg selv som absolutt.
Det finnes bare en
indre logikk i islam, en logikk tingene har å rette seg setter. Moralen fundamenteres
i «ordene», dvs tekstene, og ikke ikke i realitetene, i enkelttingene.
Slik sett innebærer dette også at
islam baserer seg på a priori-forestillinger, kristendommen og jødedommen
på a posteriori
slutninger. Islam slutter fra en på forhånd gitt «historie» som ikke
bygger på fakta, mens kristendommen og jødedommen bygger en – stor frelsesfortelling
som er sann fortelling og sann historie, ja, også reell fremtid – sin «fortelling» fundamentert på det virkelige
– men ikke på en platonsk forestilling om det virkelige, og da det virkelige sett
som kun idéverden i seg selv, riktig nok – nei, på fakta-historie, noe som
virkelig og uforbeholdent har skjedd.
Det helt
fantastiske i dette er at denne ulikheten og grunnleggende og prisipielle
forskjellen stammer fra de ulike grunnmyter islam og kristendommen og
jødedommen har som konstitusjoner og metafysike og reelle fundament. (Og den
som ikke vil forstå eller annamme dette, bør ta seg noen kurs på de dyreste
utelandsk universiteter han kan finne, for om mulig å kunne skaffe seg mer
innsikt og evner, ikke bare ferdigheter).
Men innebærer ikke
dette frislipp av alle relativisme, skadelig så vel som nyttig, og vakker
relativisme? Jo, for så vidt. Det fins en relativitet i den judeokristne Gud.
Det fins indre relasjoner i Gud, Gud er ikke «alene». Det fins et knippe indre
relasjon i Gud som manifisterer seg i enkelttingene, som bryr seg om og bryr seg med alt og alle, alle individer, alle personer. Gud står ikke i
selvvalgt isolasjon overfor skaperverket og menneskene. Det foreligger en
personlig relasjon mellom Gud og mennesket. Derfor Guds forsyn, ikke Allah’s determinisme.
Allah har utvalgt sine én gang for alle og Allah har bare utvalgt de han på
forhan skapaer til å bli muslimer. Allah’s moral er derfor dualistisk, muslimer inntar en høyere posisjon både etisk og
ontologisk i islam. Dette i skarpt kontrast til kristendommen som eksplisitt
sier at her finnes «hverken jøde eller greker, hverken fri mann eller slave».
I seg selv
gjenspeiler dette Allah’s egen essens,
eller karakter: Allah er en
monolitt, en ubevegelig enkelhet eller helhet, en monark som ikke kjenner
enkelttingene, (med mindre dette blir et noe selvstendig produsert aksiom i
islam, slik som hos den kjente og akk så innflytelsrike sufien al Gahzhali, som
sterkt hevder at Allah kjenner enkeltingene og at brudd mot dette aksiomet, som
han selv har formulert, vil medføre dødsstraff).
Allah har på sitt
eget vis gjort seg «ferdig» med menneskene, i og med overleveringen av Koranen.
(For så vidt kan Allah minne om liberalistiske foreldre som overlater sine barn
til seg selv, i en slags evig hjemme-alene-fest, men da en fest som er nådeløst
regulert av de strengeste normer, forskrifter, regler og uforanderlige standarder
og lover. Det blir ikke større kjærligheten av slikt!)
Allah’s karakter
kjenner ingen pluralitet, det er selve grunndogmet, selve det ortodokse
startpunkt for all filosofi, alle moral og all ontologi, all episteme, all
hermeneutikk i islam. I kristendommen forutsetter selve gudsbegrepet en
pluralitet, det viser seg i treenighetsdogmet og
dette at Jesus var og er fullt ut menneske og samtidg fullt ut hellig,
allmektig og altseende Gud. Gud er like vel Én og Jesus er ett med Faderen og selve dette faktum undergraver hverken
fornuft eller logikk, slik mange vil ha oss til å tro.
Jesus – inkarnasjonen
og treenigheten - er sannheten in personae.
Muhammed kommer ikke i nærheten av å oppfylle hverken denne rollen eller denne evige
loven i alt dette.
Vi skal også huske at
Jesus var enkel og pur, dvs syndfri, mens Muhammed etter eget sigen var en
synder, dvs delt og ikke hel, og derfor nettopp ikke pur. Muhammed ba sogar til Allah om tilgivelse, men kunne selv ikke
tilgi visse syndere, ikke engang nære slektninger, som han påsto hadde svekte
ham, selv om de ba om tilgivelse.
2
Esam Omeish:
Enhver som bruker de
følgende termer, uttrykker islamofobi:
Islamsk terror
Islamistisk terror
Jihadist
Voldelig jihad/jihadisme
Muslimsk terrorist
Islamistisk ekstremist
Islam er ikke en religion
Islam hater oss
Radikal islam
Forby shharia lov
Sharia er uforenlig med Den
amerikanske konstitusjon
“Islamist extremist” is
itself a phrase that attempts to distance Islam from the violence perpetrated
in its name and in accord with its teachings. So is “Radical Islam.” But as far
as Esam Omeish is concerned, any speech that
suggests that there is any connection between Islam and jihad violence must be
stigmatized and silenced. This is the clearest example yet of how the New
Zealand massacre is being exploited in order to shut down any criticism, no
matter how mild, of jihad terrorism and Sharia oppression of women and
others.U.S. Islamist Leader Calls for Stigmatizing Words He Calls
‘Islamophobic,'” by John Rossomando, IPT News, March 20, 2019:
Anyone who uses terms including “jihadist,”
“violent jihad,” “Islamist terrorism” or “Islamic extremist” is a hater who
deserves to be shunned, an influential Muslim political leader argues.
Esam Omeish issued this call Friday on
Facebook, in the emotional wake of the Christchurch mosque massacre in New
Zealand.
3
Allerede så tidlig
som i 2016 ønsket Europarådets komite mot rasisme og intoleranse, ECRI, ledet
av svensken Christian Åhlund, at mediene ikke nevner at terrorister er
muslimer. Kravet ble fremmet overfor den britiske regjering, som avviste det.
Ifølge ECRI har det blitt mer hatprat og fremmedfrykt i Storbritannia og
mediene har noe av ansvaret.
The report, from the
European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) body, said there had
been an increase in hate speech and racist violence in Britain between March
2009 and March 2016.
(In an audacious move,
the report recommends the British media be barred from reporting the Muslim
background of terrorists. And it comes after multiple terror atrocities by
Muslim extremists across Paris, Brussels, Munich and other German cities over
the last year.
ECRI mener å ha
registrert at motviljen mot muslimer vokser i takt med terrorangrepene. Det er
kanskje ikke så rart? Det vil ECRI ha slutt på og foreslår at mediene ikke skal
få lov å nevne deres motivasjon eller bagatellisere den.
The 83-page report
states: ‘ECRI considers that, in light of the fact that Muslims are
increasingly under the spotlight as a result of recent ISIS-related terrorist
acts around the world, fuelling prejudice against Muslims shows a reckless
disregard, not only for the dignity of the great majority of Muslims in the
United Kingdom, but also for their safety.
‘In this context, it
draws attention to a recent study by Teeside University suggesting that where
the media stress the Muslim background of perpetrators of terrorist acts, and
devote significant coverage to it, the violent backlash against Muslims is
likely to be greater than in cases where the perpetrators’ motivation is
downplayed or rejected in favour of alternative explanations.’ (…)
ECRI Chair Christian
Ahlund, said: ‘It is no coincidence that racist violence is on the rise in the
UK at the same time as we see worrying examples of intolerance and hate speech
in the newspapers, online and even among politicians.’
4
-
“… what we have to confront is
violent extremism in all of its forms. … America is not — and never will be —
at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists
who pose a grave threat to our security — because we reject the same thing that
people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.
And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.” – President
Barack Obama, Cairo, June 2009
“The United States
is now experiencing the beginning of its end, and is heading towards its
demise. … Resistance is the only solution. [Today the United States] is
withdrawing from Iraq, defeated and wounded, and it is also on the verge of
withdrawing from Afghanistan. [All] its warplanes, missiles, and modern
military technology were defeated by the will of the peoples, as long as [these
peoples] insisted on resistance.” –
Muslim Brotherhood leader Muhammad al-Badri, Cairo, September 2010
5
The people U.S. President Donald J. Trump has chosen to lead
his foreign policy team may complicate efforts to fulfill his inaugural pledge
to eradicate «radical Islamic terrorism» «from the face of the Earth» — a
Herculean task even under the best of circumstances.
Among recent
personnel decisions, arguably the most fateful has been to select Army
Lieutenant General Herbert Raymond «H.R.» McMaster to replace retired
Lieutenant General Michael Flynn as national security advisor. This change
is setting into motion a cascade of other personnel decisions that, far from
draining the swamp, appears to be perpetuating it.
Flynn, who resigned on February 13 after leaked intelligence
reports alleged that he misrepresented his conversations with a Russian
diplomat, has long argued that the West is in a civilizational clash with
Islam, and that the war on terror must be expanded and intensified to reflect
this reality.
By contrast, McMaster
emphatically rejects the notion of a clash of civilizations. His statements on
Islam are highly nuanced and not materially different from those of former
presidents Barack Obama and George W. Bush.
Flynn, in a speech delivered at a synagogue in Stoughton,
Massachusetts in August 2016, warned that the ultimate goal of radical Islam is
world hegemony:
«We are facing
another ‘ism,’ just like we faced Nazism, and fascism, and imperialism and
communism. This is Islamism, it is a vicious cancer inside the body of 1.7
billion people on this planet and it has to be excised.»
That same month, Flynn addressed a Baptist Church in San
Antonio, Texas:
«I don’t see Islam
as a religion. I see it as a political ideology that will mask itself as a
religion globally, and especially in the West, especially in the United States,
because it can hide behind and protect itself by what we call freedom of
religion.»
McMaster, however, has openly repudiated Flynn’s — and
Trump’s — views on Islam. He rejects any connection between terrorism and
Islam, even though Islamic scripture clearly states that true Muslims are
duty-bound to wage jihad on non-Muslims until the entire world is brought under
the submission of Islam and Sharia law.
On February 23, during his first staff meeting as the newly
minted national security advisor, McMaster reportedly urged National Security
Council employees to avoid using the term «radical Islamic terrorism» because,
according to McMaster, groups such as the Islamic State represent a «perversion
of Islam» and are therefore «un-Islamic.»
McMaster urged Trump
to remove references to «radical Islamic terrorism» from the speech the
president was to deliver to Congress on February 28. The president nevertheless
prevailed. «We are also taking strong measures,» he said, «to protect our
nation from radical Islamic terrorism.»
Mar 23, 2019 1:00 pm By Robert Spencer 24 Comments
As a true
supporter of IS Abbas wanted to see the introduction of Sharia Law to
Australia, and believed he was obliged to carry out jihad.
“If Sharia was
applied in Australia … all the people would fall under a contract. They would
have to sign a contract to live with, among Muslims in peace,” he told police.
“Whoever does not
sign that contract either leaves the country or is executed. He’s given the
chance to leave the country. If he doesn’t want to leave he gets executed.”
Spencer: Obama
Administration Scrubbed 'Jihad' and 'Islam' from Counterterrorism Manuals
21 May 20142
The Director of Jihad Watch told Breitbart News Sunday that,
although Islamic terror is increasing, the Obama administration has
“systematically removed any mention of Islam and jihad from counterterror
training manuals for the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security, and other
law enforcement and intelligence agencies.”
His instruction all came to an end in October 2011 when
fifty-seven Muslin organizations wrote to John Brennan, who was then the
Homeland Security Advisor and is now the head of the CIA, demanding that they
fire Spencer and other trainers who “spoke about Islam in connection with terrorism”
and that they cleanse all counter-terrorism training material of any mention of
Islam and jihad.
Spencer explained that Brennan immediately complied and
wrote back on White House stationary to underline how important the Obama
administration considered this issue to be. The former trainer to the U.S.
Army’s Asymmetric Warfare Group asserted that the Obama administration gave in
to the pressure of Islamic advocacy groups because they did not want to be
considered “Islamaphobic.”
-
6
A more compelling disqualifier
for Brennan is that he consistently says that “jihad” is a good thing. For
example, in 2009, Brennan said: “Nor does President Obama see this challenge as
a fight against ‘jihadists.’ Describing terrorists in this way—using a
legitimate term, ‘jihad,’ meaning to purify oneself or to wage a holy struggle
for a moral goal—risks giving these murderers the religious legitimacy they
desperately seek but in no way deserve.” And in 2010, he said: “Nor do we
describe our enemy as ‘jihadists’ or ‘Islamists’ because jihad is a holy
struggle, a legitimate tenet of Islam, meaning to purify oneself or one’s
community, and there is nothing holy or legitimate or Islamic about murdering
innocent men, women and children.”
None of what Brennan
says is true regarding the legal definition of jihad in Islamic law. The
opening sentence in the Reliance of the Traveller chapter on jihad is crystal
clear: “o9.0 – Jihad. Jihad means to wage war against non-Muslims, and is
etymologically derived from the word mujahada, signifying warfare to establish
the religion.” (Italic emphasis in original.)
Hence Brennan is either, as explained above, too stupid to
live and shouldn’t be DCI, or lying about the true definition of jihad (which
deception is also obligatory according to Shariah), in which case he is guilty
of treason and again shouldn’t be DCI, but rather prosecuted.
This is not a religious issue. Americans believe in freedom
of religion for religions that believe in freedom. Rather, it is a national
security issue. It is a statement of fact that pious, observant Muslims are
required to adhere to Islamic law, which is not scripture, but legal texts
written by men. A cursory examination of Reliance of the Traveller will show
that it uses the word “obligatory” hundreds of times, and enumerates mandatory
acts for all Muslims which are felony violations of the U.S. Code, including
terrorism, material support of terrorism, perjury, espionage, treason, making
war against the United States, sedition, and misprision of treason. Please let
that sink in.
Every American should have a problem with this.
And why don’t we? Because blame isn’t limited to John
Brennan. America’s political and national security elites, and especially our
mainstream journalists, are guilty of professional malpractice, dereliction of
duty, and worse, for being willfully ignorant of these easily verifiable facts.
The net result is that America has not only lost this war,
but we changed sides and are aiding our enemy. We need look no further than
what Hillary Clinton and the Obama Administration did to Libya, Yemen, Iraq and
Syria, and tried to do to Egypt, for evidence of that.
Michael J. Del Rosso is a Senior Fellow for Homeland and
National Security for the Center for Security Policy.
-
7
“Islam has a proud
tradition of tolerance,” observed Pres. Obama in Cairo. “We see it in the
history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as
a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an
overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in
every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the
persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for
religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.”
-
Emma Webb, a research fellow, told The Daily
Telegraph: ‘In the wake of negative publicity damaging the CPS, Max Hill has
vowed that through his appointment he will “restore trust”. But it is difficult
to see how this will be possible given his habit of meeting disproportionately
with extremist and intolerant groups.
‘He has shown
himself to have bad taste and judgment in the company he keeps. This is
certainly not a man who can be trusted to ensure justice is done when it comes
to Islamist extremism.’
In February Mr
Hill declared that it is ‘fundamentally wrong’ to use the phrase ‘Islamist
terrorism’ to describe any attacks carried out in Britain and elsewhere.
Max Hill QC said
that the word terrorism should not be attached ‘to any of the world religions’.
His comments put
him at odds with Prime Minister Theresa May, then Home Secretary Amber Rudd,
the police and MI5 who all spoke about the threat posed by ‘Islamist
terrorists’.
The former
terrorism watchdog takes charge of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) after
months in which it has been heavily criticised for a catalogue of disclosure
failings that led to cases collapsing.
-
UK’s top prosecutor
refuses to use the phrase “Islamic terrorism,” meets with pro-jihad Islamic
apologists, Nov 9, 2018 11:31 am By Robert Spencer 13 Comments
The intrepid Hill
says it would be “‘fundamentally wrong’ to attach terrorism ‘to any of the
world religions.”
All right. But who, exactly, is doing the attaching here?
Islamic jihadis routinely point to the Qur’an and Muhammad to justify their
actions and appeal to peaceful Muslims. And the Qur’an itself exhorts Muslims
to “strike terror in the enemies of Allah” (8:60), and also says that Allah
will also strike terror in them (3:151), as well as command the angels to do so
(8:12).
“He said that the term ‘Daesh-inspired terrorism’ should be
used instead.”
Unfortunately for Hill, Islamic terrorism is a lot older
than “Daesh,” The history of Islam includes an unbroken record of jihad
violence, including terrorism. Wherever Muslims have gone in the world, some of
them have waged jihad warfare against non-Muslims. Terrorist acts against
Christians, Jews, Hindus and others were frequent. The whole shocking record of
this, hardly known at all in the West and obscured by mountains of propaganda,
is in my new book The History of Jihad From Muhammad to ISIS, the first and
only one-volume narrative history of jihad in the English language. Arm
yourself against the propaganda, which just keeps on coming — order the book
here.
8
“New top prosecutor is slammed for refusing to use the
phrase ‘Islamic terrorism’ after meeting with apologists who described Jihadi
John as a ‘beautiful young man,'” by Martin Robinson, Mailonline, November 9,
2018:
The new CPS chief
has been accused of using ‘deeply unhelpful’ language about extremists by
refusing to say ‘Islamic terrorism’.
The Henry Jackson
Society (HJS) is unhappy about Max Hill QC’s appointment as the Director of
Public Prosecutions because he believes it is ‘fundamentally wrong’ to attach
terrorism ‘to any of the world religions’.
He said that the
term ‘Daesh-inspired terrorism’ should be used instead.
Today he was
accused of ‘apeing’ the language used by CAGE, who said Mohammed Emwazi, ISIS’
executioner-in-chief until he was killed in a drone strike, was ‘beautiful’ and
‘extremely gentle’.
Mr Hill, who
replaced Alison Saunders last week, met with Cage last autumn just a month
after director Muhammad Rabbani was convicted of a terror offence after refusing
to hand over passwords to his mobile phone and laptop at Heathrow Airport.
Today the HJS
claimed Mr Hill has been ‘influenced, inaccurately, by the Islamist group’s
agenda’.
Emma Webb, a
research fellow, told The Daily Telegraph: ‘In the wake of negative publicity
damaging the CPS, Max Hill has vowed that through his appointment he will
“restore trust”. But it is difficult to see how this will be possible given his
habit of meeting disproportionately with extremist and intolerant groups.
‘He has shown
himself to have bad taste and judgment in the company he keeps. This is
certainly not a man who can be trusted to ensure justice is done when it comes
to Islamist extremism.’
In February Mr Hill declared that it is
‘fundamentally wrong’ to use the phrase ‘Islamist terrorism’ to describe any
attacks carried out in Britain and elsewhere. Max Hill QC said that the word terrorism
should not be attached ‘to any of the world religions’.
-
(CNN)In the wake of
the hideous murder spree in Orlando, Republicans are once again hating on
Democrats for describing America as in a battle against terrorism rather than
"radical Islam." Their charge displays, as it has in the past in
response to similarly tragic incidents, a striking lack of maturity.
Their gripe is that
President Obama, Hillary Clinton, and others, in refusing to say we are
battling radical Islam, are too caught up in political correctness to even call
our enemies by name. Although in this case Clinton has said she's
"happy" to call the gunman's actions "radical Islamism,"
she has also rightly noted, "From my perspective, it matters what we do
more than what we say." And today, President Obama stated, "Calling a
threat by a different name doesn't make it go away."
Still, the right claims the two are ignoring the fact that a
disproportionate number of men who perpetrate acts such as Mateen's are Muslims
infuriated at the West.
Obama goes on tirade
against Trump over 'dangerous' Muslim ban, 'radical Islam'
They assert further
that as long as we say "radical Islam" rather than "Islam"
alone, we are suitably specifying that we don't hate Muslims. But that
isn't how it would appear to Muslims themselves, and -- if we break the
language down to its structure and meaning -- they're right.
In a sentence such as
"We must eradicate radical Islam," the object of the verb eradicate
is technically "radical Islam," yes, but the core object, the heart
of the expression "radical Islam," is "Islam." Radical
Islam is a kind of Islam. The object of the eradication in the sentence is
"Islam," modified -- not redefined into something else -- by
"radical."
Obama goes on tirade against Trump over 'radical Islam'.
That truth affects how one processes such a sentence. The
adjective can come off as a kind of decoration -- it feels parenthetical, even
when talking about something innocuous. Take the sentence, "I'm thinking
about one of those juicy steaks." We process the speaker mainly as
thinking about steak, not steaks with the particular quality of being juicy.
We must take heed of such qualities of language, especially
when the object in question is already loaded with pungent associations.
Perhaps if Islam were something most of us had had little reason to think
about, then qualifying its name with an adjective could qualify as neutral
expression. "Restorationist Zoroastrianism" -- OK, maybe.
But this is the real world. Let's face it: These days, most
of us need reminding that Islam is a religion of peace. Human beings
generalize; we harbor associations. In such a climate, it's particularly easy to interpret "radical Islam" as a
summation of Islam in general. It's how many of us might guiltily hear it, and
how many Muslims would process it. Certainly Islamist terrorists would: Of all
the qualities one might attribute to them, subtlety of interpretation is not
one of them.
Suppose someone
decided to battle "radical Christianity"? Note that whatever
justifications that person offered along the lines of "We don't mean all
Christians," they'd sound a little thin. Note also that in modern American
English, "radical" can mean not only "extreme," but also,
by extension, "genuine." After all, the "radical" Islamist
considers himself to be the "true" Muslim just as the "radical"
feminist might consider herself more devoted to her cause than someone who
would shirk that label. Meanwhile, with the pop-culture exclamation
"Rad!" thrown into the mix, there's an even finer line between its
connotation "Amazing!" and the implication "That's the way it
should be!"
Obama fights back against terrorism
rhetoric critics;
There actually is room for
terminological compromise here. "Radical Islam" is an unhelpful term
because it sounds too much like "Islam" and has been used so much
that it practically sounds like "Islam" alone at this point. However,
one could get the point across with something like "violent Islam" as
some have tried. "Violent Islam" actually sounds like a subset of
Islam rather than the thing itself, and "violent" has no alternate
connotation of "authentic," as "radical" does.
It's important to stress, however,
that semantics -- used one way or another -- will not change any terrorists'
minds. Omar Mateen did not shoot up the Pulse because people said "radical
Islam" instead of "Islam." Accounts of ordinary, seemingly secular
Muslims mysteriously but implacably deciding to leave comfortable existences in
Western Europe to join ISIS in Syria likewise make it plain that word choice
will not win or lose this battle for us.
Moments from Clinton and Trump's CNN face-off 01:35:
Rather, we must maintain the cognitive equipoise that
refuses to revile members of a worldwide religion because of the actions of a
small band of amoral true believers. In doing so, we are embodying a more
enlightened worldview than ISIS and its sympathizers.
We must resist overgeneralization -- a tendency hardwired
into human nature -- not because we think it would have restrained an Omar
Mateen, but because it makes us better human beings, and possible models for
future ones. Virtue, Aristotle called it. And not in the sense of stalwartly
refusing to call someone a dirty name a la Dudley Do-Right, but in the sense of
cultivating personal excellence simply because, in the end, it's a perfect
foundation for an existence, especially if as many people do it together as
possible.
US President Barack Obama speaks on
the Orlando shooting at the Treasury Department after convening with his
National Security Council on June 14, 2016:
So, the indignant
right-wing columnists who yearn for America to express a more direct,
religiously inflected contempt for terrorists are missing the strength in what
they misread as a sign of weakness. In saying we are battling
"terrorists" rather than "radical Islam," we reveal
ourselves as better than the barbarians who wish to harm us.
The alternative that
the right would prefer would be a nyah-nyah contest, what we might
euphemistically call a competition in the distance one can cover via the act of
urination. Make no mistake: I detest what people like Mateen do -- the mere
thought of that man this week, for example, nauseates me. Neither Sykes-Picot,
nor American support for Israel, nor brown skin, nor any other historical or
present-day factor justifies actions like his. But that's why we must do better
than they do, including in how we use language. I'm glad that many of us are.
And I, for one, am
not against using language that allows us to refer to the painfully obvious
fact that so many of these attacks stem from a perversion of the doctrine of a
particular religion. Those who feel that the mere observation of this reality
constitutes racism or incivility carry their own burden of justification here.
However, I highly
suspect that the people who despise the President and Hillary Clinton for not
saying "radical Islam" wouldn't be quite satisfied with "violent
Islam." Why? Because it doesn't sound like an insult, and that would
reveal, again, what these detractors are really seeking -- to win a
competition, not to solve a problem. Like I said, we can -- and must -- do
better than that.
Islamic terrorism,
From Wikipedia:
Islamic terrorism, Islamist terrorism or radical Islamic
terrorism is defined as any terrorist act, set of acts or campaign committed by
groups or individuals who profess Islamic or Islamist motivations or goals.[1]
Islamic terrorists justify their violent tactics through the interpretation of
Quran and Hadith according to their own goals and intentions.[2][3] The idea of
Islamic supremacy is encapsulated in the formula, "Islam is exalted and
nothing is exalted above it."[4]
The highest numbers of incidents and fatalities caused by
Islamic terrorism occur in Iraq, Afghanistan, Nigeria, Pakistan and Syria.[5]
In 2015 four Islamic extremist groups were responsible for 74% of all deaths
from terrorism: ISIS, Boko Haram, the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, according to the
Global Terrorism Index 2016.[6] In recent decades, such incidents have occurred
on a global scale, affecting not only Muslim-majority states in Africa and
Asia, but also several other countries, including those within the European
Union, Russia, Australia, Canada, Israel, India and the United States. Such
attacks have targeted Muslims and non-Muslims.[7] In a number of the
worst-affected Muslim-majority regions, these terrorists have been met by
armed, independent resistance groups,[8] state actors and their proxies, and
elsewhere by condemnation coming from prominent Islamic figures.[9][10][11]
The literal use of the phrase "Islamic terrorism"
is disputed. Such use in Western political speech has variously been called
"counter-productive", "highly politicized, intellectually
contestable" and "damaging to community relations".[12]
However, others have referred to the refusal to use the term
as an act of "self-deception", "full-blown censorship" and
"intellectual dishonesty".[13][14][15][16]
-
Why Trump’s subtle mistake during his
important Islam speech is so revealing
The difference between “Islamic” and
“Islamist” matters.
By Zeeshan Aleem@ZeeshanAleemzeeshan.aleem@vox.com,
May 22, 2017, 1:40pm EDT
During his hotly anticipated speech in Saudi Arabia on
Sunday, President Trump made a big pivot on his relationship with the Muslim world.
He dropped the use of the term “radical Islamic terrorism,” the inflammatory
phrase he frequently criticized Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton for being
unwilling to say. Instead, he chose to go with a less antagonistic phrase:
“Islamist extremism.”
Or, well, he was supposed to.
According to his prepared remarks, he was supposed to use
the terms “Islamist extremism” and “Islamist terror” in his speech. Instead, as
reporters noticed, he used the term “Islamic extremism” and “Islamic terror.”
Those terms might seem similar, but there’s a significant
difference between them — and it’s big enough that a senior White House
official tried to justify the slip-up by saying the president tripped up
because he was “exhausted.”
The term Trump used, “Islamic,” means anything having to do
with the religion of Islam. The term he was supposed to use, “Islamist,” refers
to matters relating to the political project of reorganizing the state and
society in accordance with the laws of Islam that can be deduced from Islamic texts.
Put another way, “Islamic” is a bigger umbrella that signifies anything tied to
the religion, while “Islamist” is a smaller umbrella that covers issues tied to
political Islam.
So why does this matter?
By using the term
“Islamist extremism,” the Trump White House is implicitly acknowledging that
there is such thing as moderate Islamism, which is a real phenomenon.
Consider, for example, the largest political party in
Tunisia, Ennahda. It was inspired by Egypt’s Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, but
it’s a moderate party that’s grown far more secular in recent years and is
known for being a compromiser in Tunisian political life. Its ideology
shouldn’t be placed in the same category as, say, ISIS’s ambition to conquer
the world and subject it to a harsh, militant interpretation of Islamic law.
More importantly, the
term “Islamist extremism” is also slightly further away from a description of
Islam as the problem. For some English-speaking Muslims, fighting Islamist
extremism sounds more nuanced and targeted than Islamic extremism, and takes
the fight slightly further away from the cultural sphere. It’s a term that
stands more in accordance with Trump’s new position that his anti-terror
campaign “is not a battle between different faiths, different sects, or different
civilizations.”
Whether a militant group that carried out terrorist violence
identifies itself as Islamist or Islamic doesn’t really matter that much. But
Muslims in the US and around the world look at Trump as the most Islamophobic
figure in American political life in recent memory, and watch his words closely
— the nuances matter. The absence of the
word “Islamic” would be a more concrete, even if modest, sign of progress.
It’s possible this is the first and last time Trump will
make this slip-up, and that it was indeed a product of fatigue. (That should in
and of itself be a source of huge embarrassment for Trump, who places great
value on “stamina” and enjoys vanquishing “low-energy” rivals.)
But a more plausible explanation is that he doesn’t
understand the difference between the two terms and glossed over the word while
reading it off a teleprompter without realizing it. That makes it seem more
likely that he’ll slip up again in the future, whether during meetings or at
future speaking events, and continue to cause confusion by breaking from his
administration’s formal stance on the matter.
Some would call the Islamic-Islamist point a distinction
without a difference. During his
presidency, Barack Obama was opposed to using either variation — radical
Islamic or radical Islamist — because he felt that invoking the religion’s name
at all was a smear to Islam and alienated Muslims across the globe.
George W. Bush consistently referred to Islam as a religion
of peace and framed his counterterrorism agenda as a “war on terror.” Whether
Trump uses the old term, radical Islamic terrorism or the new term, Islamist
extremism, he’s still putting Islam front and center compared with his
predecessors.
Ultimately, at the end of the day, his deeds will likely
resonate more than his words. His repeated attempts to stanch the flow of
travelers from Muslim-majority countries will likely ring louder than any
subtle shifts in rhetoric.
Political correctness shuts down any
reasonable critiques of Islam
by Louis Sarkozy, |
March 19, 2018 05:51 PM
On Feb. 23, 2017, national security adviser H.R. McMaster
reiterated his stance that Islamic ideology is essentially irreligious, and
that Jihadi terrorists are not true to the religion they claim to be part of.
He discouraged the use of the phrase “radical Islamic
terrorism” because “terrorist organizations like ISIS represent a perversion of
Islam, and are thus un-Islamic.” In December, McMaster warned us to “never buy
in or reinforce the terrorist narrative that this is a war of religion.”
Although commonplace, this argument is simply wrong. While I
rightly acknowledge it's perfectly possible to follow Islam without committing
or encouraging terrorism, we cannot ignore the link between doctrine and
behavior.
It is impossible to deny the role that Islam, as a set of
ideals, plays in international terrorism and gross abuse of human rights in the
countries where it is enacted by law.
When it comes to religion, doctrine matters. And how can
anyone hope to have a productive discussion about the tenets that make up Islam
when even the mildest criticism of the doctrine labels you bigoted, racist, or
(gasp), Islamophobic?
As an atheist, I stand outside the reach of all religions
equally, and recognize that religious history and doctrinal differences matter.
Generally, public criticism of any religion, ancient or
contemporary, is completely acceptable, and should be encouraged. It is
noteworthy, then, that criticism of any other religion nowadays will earn you
at worst a dose of invective, whereas saying the wrong words or drawing the
wrong cartoons about Islam will get you killed in any country where Islam is
the official religion, and liable to earn you physical repercussions in
countries where it is not.
Why is that it in Western countries, merely pointing out the
similarities between the writings of the Quran and the Hadiths and the violent
and intolerant preachings of groups such as the Islamic State is cause for
censure?
We certainly have no problem holding Christianity
responsible for its part in the horrific Spanish Inquisition, nor do we stutter
at recognizing Christian scripture as having encouraged anti-Semitic attitudes
along European history.
Ah, I can hear the rebuttal already: “Of course there are
horrible passages in the Quran. It was written at a different time, and there
are similarly horrible ones in the Bible!”
Without a doubt, the Bible is a bloody, violent book filled
with unspeakable atrocities. But then, why is it that no Christian feels
personally targeted when Deuteronomy 21:18-21, which encourages the public
stoning of disobedient children, is criticized?
It is because Christianity has gone through, over the past
few hundred years, a modernization process where it has been ejected out of
civil law, and where its most vile and intolerant preachings are no longer
ordained as official doctrine by the church’s institutions.
With some exceptions (such as enduring Medieval attitudes
toward homosexuality and fundamentalists' rejection of science in favor of
creationism) the most vile, intolerant, and backward parts of Christian practice
have been abandoned.
Islam, on the other hand, has become more intolerant than it
was a millennium ago, when Muslims were creating algebra and algorithms and
naming the celestial bodies. The result is that Christians can shake off most
criticisms of their own scripture and their beliefs, but the Islamic world
seems a lot more thin-skinned.
I, however, reject the often-brought-up and dangerous notion
of this conflict being a “war of civilizations,” pitching the united secular
West against the similarly united dogmatic Islamic world.
This is wrong simply because it is an inaccurate depiction
of both sides. This particular struggle is far more complicated and it is
certainly not contained by international borders or racial origin. This is a
war of ideas, not of skin color.
Which is why the first victims of Islamic extremism are
almost always Muslims: women, apostates, homosexuals, modern Muslims seeking
the evolution of their faith, and yes, even just Muslims who belong to the
wrong traditional Islamic sect.
Similarly, the people often most opposed to helping the
victims of Islamo-fascism, those who refuse to hold Islamic ideas accountable
for their role in these crimes, are not Muslims at all, but westerners
brandishing multiculturalist arguments.
Meaningful change can only come from within the Islamic
world, from the reformist voices that want to modernize Islam to fit today's
standards of human decency and compassion. These are the people whom we must
try to empower today by giving them coverage, a platform to speak out of, and
most importantly, by acknowledging their suffering and struggle.
It is for this reason that we must not delude ourselves with
the idea that all cultures are equally good in every way. We should not shy
away from sensitive conversations about the role of religious dogma, even at
the risk of being called racist or Islamophobic. Such insults are minor and
insignificant compared to the atrocities that the victims of this violent and
intolerant doctrine suffer every day.
Louis Sarkozy is a contributor to the Washington Examiner's
Beltway Confidential blog. He is a student in philosophy and religion at New
York University. He is the youngest son of former French President Nicolas
Sarkozy.
"I mean the
key thing is, as you highlight the real risk these terrorists pose to our
citizens, that we make sure we never buy into or reinforce the terrorist
narrative, this false narrative that this is a war of religion," McMaster
said.
When Wallace interjected and pointed out that Trump's tweets
were "about Muslim violence,"
McMaster did not answer the question, but instead argued that religious
terrorists are warping religion to suit their violent tactics.
"Well, those who adhere to this ideology are really
irreligious criminals who use a perverted, what the President has called a
wicked interpretation of religion, in an effort to recruit young,
impressionable people to their cause, to foment hatred," McMaster said.
Figures across the political spectrum in the UK and US
condemned Trump's decision to retweet the videos.
"I am very clear that retweeting from Britain First was
the wrong thing to do," British Prime Minister Theresa May said on
Thursday.
White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders also said
the videos "elevated the conversation," and that it didn't matter
whether the anti-Muslim videos were factually accurate.
"Whether it's a real video, the threat is real,"
Sanders said on Wednesday. "His goal is to promote strong border security
and strong national security."
Does Jihad Really
Have "Nothing to do with Islam"?, by Denis MacEoin, February 24, 2018
at 5:00 am
"National
Security officials are prohibited from developing a factual understanding of
Islamic threat doctrines, preferring instead to depend upon 5th column Muslim
Brotherhood cultural advisors." — Richard Higgins, NSC official.
At the heart of
the problem lies the fantasy that Islam must be very similar to other
religions, particularly Judaism and Christianity, out of which it was, in fact
derived.
The use of force,
mainly through jihad, is a basic doctrine in the Qur'an, the Prophetic sayings
(ahadith), and in all manuals of Islamic law. It is on these sources that fighters
from Islamic State, al-Qa'ida, al-Shabaab, and hundreds of other groupings base
their preaching and their actions. To say that such people have "nothing
to do with Islam" could not be more wrong.
Recently, US National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster once
again downplayed the significance of faith by claiming that Islamic ideology is
"irreligious"; meanwhile, up to 1.5 billion Muslims continue
claiming, as they have done for 1400 years, that it is.
As Stephen Coughlin, an expert on Islam, told Gatestone,
"It is the believers who define their religion, not the non-believers. If
someone says his religion is that the moon is made of green cheese, that has to
be your starting point."
On February 20, 2017, President Trump appointed McMaster, a
serving Lieutenant General of the US Army, to the important position of
National Security Advisor, after the forced resignation of Michael T. Flynn.
McMaster came to the post with a reputation for stability, battlefield
experience, and intelligence. According to the Los Angeles Times:
"It is not an
overstatement to say that Americans and the world should feel a little safer
today," tweeted Andrew Exum, an author and academic who saw combat in
Afghanistan and writes widely about military affairs."
After the controversies surrounding McMaster's predecessor
in office, McMaster came as a safe hand.
It was not long before divisions opened up within the NSC,
however, with quarrels, firings, and appeals to the president. Many
controversies remain today. By July, it was reported that Trump was planning to
fire McMaster and replace him with CIA Director Mike Pompeo. By August,
however, McMaster's position seemed secure.
U.S. National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster. (Photo by Alex
Wong/Getty Images)
It is not the purpose of this article to discuss issues
McMaster's spell at the NSC has brought to light, except for one: McMaster's
position on Islam and terrorism. It became a cause for contention early in
McMaster's incumbency and continues to engender divisions, not just among NSC
staff, but also with the president. The general's viewpoint, which he has often
expressed, is that international terrorism has nothing to do with the religion
of Islam, a notion he seems to believe to the point where he has banned the use
of the term "radical Islamic terrorism" -- a term that Trump uses
often.
In an all-hands meeting of the NSC on February 23, 2017,
three days after his appointment as NSC Director, McMaster said jihadist
terrorists are not true to their professed religion and that the use of the
phrase "radical Islamic terrorism" does not help the US in working
with allies to defeat terrorist groups:
"The phrase
is unhelpful because terrorist organizations like ISIS represent a perversion
of Islam, and are thus un-Islamic, McMaster said, according to a source who
attended the meeting."
More recently, on December 3, in an interview with Fox News
Sunday anchor Chris Wallace, McMaster stated that "we make sure we never
buy into or reinforce the terrorist narrative, this false narrative that this
is a war of religion". He followed this by elaborating on the criminality
and supposed secularism of Muslim terrorists:
"Those who
adhere to this ideology are really irreligious criminals who use a perverted,
what the President has called a wicked interpretation of religion, in an effort
to recruit young, impressionable people to their cause, to foment hatred".
In taking that stance, McMaster has broken with many members
of his own staff, several of whom he was later to fire, and with the Trump
administration itself. This desire to deny a connection between Islam and
terrorism or to distinguish between a "pure" Islamic religion and
"perversions" of it had been for many years a characteristic of the
George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, as well as Hillary Clinton's
tweets, when "this has nothing to do with Islam" was an oft-repeated
refrain.
One of the people whom McMaster fired is Richard Higgins, a
top NSC official who had written a memoir in which he warned of the dangers of
radical Islam and its alliance with the far Left. In a lengthy document,
Higgins wrote:
Globalists and
Islamists recognize that for their visions to succeed, America, both as an
ideal and as a national and political identity, must be destroyed...Islamists
ally with cultural Marxists...[but] Islamists will co-opt the movement in its
entirety...
Because the left
is aligned with Islamist organizations at local, national, and international
levels, recognition should be given to the fact that they seamlessly
interoperate through coordinated synchronized interactive narratives...
These attack
narratives are pervasive, full spectrum, and institutionalized at all levels.
They operate in social media, television, the 24-hour news cycle in all media and
are entrenched at the upper levels of the bureaucracies.
Clearly, Higgins did not mince his words, yet what he wrote
seems entirely appropriate for the NSC, a body charged with the protection of
the United States from radicalism of all kinds. According to Meira Svirsky,
writing for the Clarion Project
Lamenting the lack
of education given to government officials about radical Islam, Higgins
previously wrote, "National Security officials are prohibited from
developing a factual understanding of Islamic threat doctrines, preferring
instead to depend upon 5th column Muslim Brotherhood cultural advisors."
[1]
Higgins's stress on the lack of education about Islam is a
vital recognition that something has been going wrong for years when it comes
to American and European official responses to the religion and its followers.
Rightly cautious about genuine Islamophobia, the growth of hate speech and
intercommunal strife, governments and their agencies have adopted policies and
measures to preserve calm even in the face of growing levels of terrorism by
Muslims. Europeans in Paris, Barcelona, Manchester, London, Brussels, Berlin
and Nice, to name just a few places, are at the forefront of attacks inspired
by Islamic State, al-Qa'ida and other radical groups. But the US has suffered
the heaviest casualties, with thousands slaughtered in the 9/11 attacks.
In the face of a renascent and at times violent Islam,
politicians have adopted the policy of denying any connection between terrorist
events and Islam. Many religious leaders have done the same. McMaster has
adopted this policy, keeping him in line with established approaches:
"HR McMaster,
a respected army lieutenant general, struck notes more consistent with
traditional counterterrorism analysts and espoused consensus foreign-policy
views during a meeting he held with his new National Security Council staff on
Thursday".
According to Svirsky:
McMaster believes
the "Islamic State is not Islamic," going so far as to describe
jihadists as "really irreligious organizations." As did former
president Obama, he opposes use of any language that connects Islam to
terrorism.
McMaster also
rejects the notion that jihadists are motivated by religious ideology. Instead,
he says they are motivated by "fear," a "sense of honor"
and their "interests," which he describes as the roots of human
conflict for thousands of years. He believes U.S. policy must be based on
"understanding those human dimensions."
There may be signs that McMaster, though he still has some
way to go, at least recognizes that some deeply religious Islamic organizations
are a threat to the West. Writing on December 13, Meira Svirsky cites a speech
McMaster gave at Policy Exchange in Washington:
"Declaring
the ideology of radical Islam an obvious and 'grave threat to all civilized
people,' U.S. National Security Adviser General H.R. McMaster singled out the
Muslim Brotherhood and its brand of political Islam as a specific threat".
In that speech, the general spoke of Turkey and Egypt as two
major sources of support for the Brotherhood, including its Palestinian branch,
Hamas. He clearly sees the threat, but does not, as yet, fully understand the
meaning of its religious dimension (however much other factors play a role in
terrorism).
I have no wish to be disrespectful towards McMaster, who
carries out a vital task in securing the lives and property of so many
Americans, but I fear his statements show that he has little or no knowledge of
Islam, its teachings, or its history. Either that or he has invented a form of
Islam that bears no resemblance to the religion that many of us have spent most
of our lives studying. Not implausibly, he has given ears to advisors, possibly
including Muslims, who have sought to play down any possible link between violence
and the Muslim faith.
This willingness, even eagerness, to misrepresent Islam
plays directly into the hands of anti-Western Muslims, radicals who anticipate
the coming of an apocalyptic global Caliphate. In a recent article, Professor
Richard Landes of Boston University lists the many ways in which this is done:
Only the most
fervent of true believers could think that, even with Allah's help, the global
Caliphate was possible. In order to succeed, da'wa [outreach; proselytizing]
Caliphaters needed the assistance of the targeted kuffar population to:
Disguise their ambition to subject the
kuffar, by downplaying jihadi acts of war and their deployment among the
targeted population.
Insist that "except for a tiny
minority," the "vast majority" of Muslims are moderate and
peaceful, and Islam is a "Religion of Peace" that has nothing to do
with the violence of jihadists.
Accept those who fight for the
Caliphate with da'wa as "moderates" who have "nothing to
do" with "violent extremists."
Engage these "moderate"
Caliphaters as advisors and consultants in intelligence and police work, as
prison chaplains, community liaisons, college teachers, and administrators.
Present Caliphater war propaganda as
reliable information, as news.
Attack those who criticize Islam
(including Muslims) as xenophobic and racist Islamophobes.
Adopt the Caliphater's apocalyptic
enemy as their own, so that the kuffar join in an attack on one of their key
allies.
Legitimate jihadi terrorism as
"resistance" and denounce any recourse to violence in their own
defense as "terrorism."
Respect the dignity of Muslim beliefs
even as Muslims heap disdain on their beliefs.
Take seriously Caliphater invocations
of human rights when, in reality, they despise those rights for women, slaves,
and infidels.
Welcome an angry "Muslim
Street" in the heart of their capital cities.
At the heart of the problem lies the fantasy that Islam must
be very similar to other religions, particularly Judaism and Christianity, out
of which it was, in fact derived. This would mean that Islam consists only of
doctrines about a single God, heaven and hell, sin and punishment, spiritual
endeavor, together with practices such as prayer, fasting, pilgrimage, and
alms-giving. There would be nothing to concern us were that the case, and
certainly no reason to connect the faith with a few supposedly fanatical people
who have misguidedly distorted it and turned to violence.
But that would be to ignore the totality of Islam. Apart
from 12 years at the start of Muhammad's mission, Islam has encompassed far
more than worship and moral behavior. From the moment Muhammad led his
followers from Mecca to Medina in the year 622, his religion became a system of
government, of law, and of war. Several battles were fought with his Meccan
opponents; the Jews of Medina were either driven out by force or executed and
enslaved, and Muhammad returned to Mecca as its conqueror. On his death, his
first successor embarked on a two-year war to bring recalcitrant tribes back
within the fold, sent out armies to the north and, in just a few years, began
the wave of invasions that made Muslims victorious across most of the known
world. Of the first four "rightly-guided" caliphs, one was
assassinated by an Iranian captive and the other two by other Muslims.
Muhammad's grandson, Husayn, was killed with his family in Karbala in 680 by
the second of the Umayyad caliphs, before further internal wars. Jihadi wars
continued, year in and year out, after that; they are still invoked by modern
terrorists. Islam has never been at peace with the non-Muslim world.
The use of force, mainly through jihad, is a basic doctrine
in the Qur'an, the prophetic sayings (ahadith), and in all manuals of Islamic
law. (For examples, see here, here, here and here.)
If jihad were permitted only in self-defence, then excuses
implying aggression, as we have seen, would need to be readily available to
justify attacks. As the Washington Post wrote a fortnight after the attack on
the United States on 9/11/2001:
At the heart of
the bin Laden opus are two declarations of holy war -- jihad -- against
America. The first, issued in 1996, was directed specifically at
"Americans occupying the land of the two holy places," as bin Laden
refers to his native Saudi Arabia, where 5,000 U.S. troops have been stationed
since the 1991 Persian Gulf War. The two holy places are Muslim shrines at
Mecca and Medina.
In 1998, he
broadened the edict to include the killing of "Americans and their allies,
civilians and military . . . in any country in which it is possible to do
it."
It is on such Islamic sources that fighters from Islamic
State, al-Qa'ida, al-Shabaab, and hundreds of other groupings base their preaching
and their actions. To say that such people have "nothing to do with
Islam" could not be more wrong.
It is not only wrong, it is demeaning to the many ex-Muslims
such as Ayaan Hirsi Ali or Ibn Warraq and reformist Muslims who are fully aware
of the connection, but are often apparently considered delusional or even
fanatical. Last year saw the publication of Ibn Warraq's detailed study, The
Islam in Islamic Terrorism: The Importance of Beliefs, Ideas, and Ideology,
which takes the reader through all the violent or violence-promoting
individuals and groups in Islamic history, with discursions on the thinking
behind them. With few exceptions, these individuals and groups are far from
minor or obscure.
In chapter one of his book, Ibn Warraq examines what he
calls the "Root Cause Fallacy", whereby politicians, security
advisers, and others deflect attention from religion as a motivator for
terrorism. He shows that most radicals and terrorists are not primarily
inspired or justified by poverty, lack of knowledge of Islam, lack of
education, the Arab-Israeli conflict, Palestine, anti-Semitism, U.S. Foreign
policy, Western Imperialism, or revenge for the Crusades. He refers (p. 31) to
David Wurmser of the American Enterprise Institute and his view that:
"Westerners
attribute too many of the Arab world's problems 'to specific material issues'
such as land and wealth. This usually means a tendency 'to belittle belief and
strict adherence to principle as genuine and dismiss it as a cynical
exploitation of the masses by politicians. As such, Western observers see
material issues and leaders, not the spiritual state of the Arab world, as the
heart of the problem'".
Overall, Ibn Warraq draws on an extensive body of
scholarship, mainly from leading Western scholars of Islam and authoritative
sources such as The Encyclopedia of Islam. McMaster and others, who repeat the
mantra that Islamic terrorism has nothing to do with Islam, are hardly in a
position to override comment by individuals who have spent a lifetime deeply
involved in the study of Islam through its original sources.
Ibn Warraq, moreover, cites (pp. 139-140) several Western
and Muslim scholars who have said repeatedly that the idea that the "true
jihad is a spiritual struggle" is completely unauthentic. It is arguments
based on a reading of texts in Arabic, Persian, Urdu and other languages that
deserve to be treated as the basis for policy-making, identifying which people
may be potential terrorists, or evaluating the true intentions of US-based
Muslim associations such as CAIR or ISNA.
Clare Lopez, vice president of research and analysis at the
Washington-based Center for Security Policy, has commented on the broad lack of
knowledge about Islam and how it has distorted thinking within national bodies.
Beginning with criticism of McMaster, she raises broader issues:
McMaster is just
wrong for NSC on so many counts. I think at least in part because, like others
across national security at his level, who made rank in years post-9/11, he was
systematically denied fact-based training about Islam, jihad, Shariah and the
MB [Muslim Brotherhood] – whose affiliates, associates, operatives, fellow
travelers and useful fools remain embedded within and close to the federal
government and local law enforcement at various levels.
Now, of course,
anyone who's ever taken the oath to the Constitution has an affirmative
obligation to know the enemy and that McMaster did not do this is his
responsibility alone.
Those who got
promoted within the military-security establishment over the past eight years
got there precisely because of a "willful blindness about Islam".
The problem for the United States government, Congress,
Senate -- and many important agencies which find themselves called on to
discuss, monitor, report on, or make policies about Islam, American Muslims,
Muslims worldwide, and more -- is knowing where to look for accurate and
authentic information. In the past, all of these have depended on Muslim
academics, uncritical and cosmetic non-Muslim professors and commentators such
as John Esposito, Karen Armstrong and the many teachers identified by Campus
Watch; numerous university and college Islamicists with vested interests in
posts funded by Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and other Muslim states (see here); self-appointed
Islamic authorities such as CAIR, and amateurs within US institutions.
Criticism of Islam has become taboo and has been denounced
as a right-wing or even far-right prejudice. The present writer, however, a
political centrist, sees nothing wrong in bringing reasoned and fact-based
criticism to bear on Islam, just as one would to every other ideology, from
Marxism to Fascism. One can also appreciate the stunning contributions Muslims
have made to science, art, architecture, calligraphy, music, and the spiritual
endeavors of Sufis and Shi'i mystical philosophers. It is important for
everyone to step back and bring accuracy and balance to the way we regard a
large and expanding religion.
Denis MacEoin has
an MA in Persian, Arabic and Islamic History from Edinburgh University and a
PhD (1979) in an aspect of Shi'i Islam in 19th-century Iran. He taught Arabic
and Islamic Studies in the Religious Studies Department of Newcastle University
and has published many books and articles on Islamic topics.
By Robert Spencer March 28, 2018, John Bolton speaks at the
Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), Friday, Feb. 24, 2017, in Oxon
Hill, Md. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)
The Left is in hysterics over John Bolton replacing H.R.
McMaster as President Trump’s national security adviser: He will start a war
with Iran! He once wrote a foreword for a book written by Pamela Geller and me!
He is a right-wing extremist! Back in the real world, however, Bolton replacing
McMaster is a victory for realistic analysis of the jihad threat, and a defeat
for the fantasy-based policymaking that has prevailed throughout the Bush and
Obama eras, and beyond.
McMaster has
insisted: “The Islamic State is not Islamic.”
A source that has asked to remain anonymous for fear of
reprisals informed me that he was present in August 2014 when McMaster was the
featured speaker for the President’s Lecture Series at National Defense
University in Washington, D.C. McMaster addressed an assembly of all the
students in the colleges of the National Defense, including the National War
College, the College of International Security Affairs (CISA), the Dwight D.
Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy (formerly the
Industrial College of the Armed Forces), and the others. In his address,
McMaster said flatly: “The Islamic State is not Islamic.”
That was during the Obama administration. One may forgive
McMaster for following the company line, but McMaster did not change his tune
when Donald Trump became president. On the contrary, he doubled down.
In February 2017, according to CNN, “at an all-hands meeting
of the National Security Council,” McMaster “said jihadist terrorists aren’t
true to their professed religion and that the use of the phrase ‘radical
Islamic terrorism’ doesn’t help the U.S. in working with allies to defeat
terrorist groups.”
Speaking in May 2017 about President Trump’s trip to the Middle
East, McMaster dug even deeper, observing that “the entire civilized world
expects our Muslim allies to take a strong stance against radical Islamist
ideology.” Those who were aware of how badly U.S. foreign policy has run off
the rails over the last fifteen years should have been deeply disturbed.
McMaster added that jihad terrorists were operating according to “an ideology
that uses a perverted interpretation of religion to justify crimes against all
humanity.”
How many times since 9/11 has an American spokesman declared
that “the United States and the entire civilized world expects our Muslim
allies to take a strong stance against radical Islamist ideology”? And what do
we have to show for this expectation?
How many years must we expect this before we realize that
our “Muslim allies” have vastly different priorities from what mainstream
counterterror analysts would wish to believe?
McMaster’s pollyannish views were a holdover from the Obama
regime, which established fantasies about Islam having nothing to do with
terrorism as the official policy of the U.S. government. This was in contrast
to President Trump, who repeatedly criticized his predecessor (and his 2016
election opponent) for not being willing to call the problem of jihad terror by
its right name.
McMaster was therefore a disastrous pick as national
security adviser. He continued the willful ignorance of the Obama
administration, hamstringing efforts to understand, and counter effectively,
the motives and goals of the enemy.
UK Prime Minister May again equates
Robert Spencer with jihad terrorists Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada, Sep
18, 2018 8:31 am By Robert Spencer 101 Comments
May gave a very similar speech in December 2016. This one is
just recycled, but she included in it the same libel of me that she put in the
first one.
“And I acted to keep those who peddle hatred and extremism
out of our country. I kicked out Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada. I stopped Pamela
Geller, Robert Spencer and Pastor Terry Jones – because Islamophobia comes from
the same wellspring of hatred. And I stopped people like Dieudonne coming to
Britain. Because nothing excuses antisemitism – not comedy, not satire, not
even irony. Antisemitism is just hatred. And it is just wrong.”
So as far as May is concerned, Pamela Geller and I are the
“Islamophobic” equivalents of Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada. Abu Hamza is in
solitary confinement in a super-max U.S. for, among other things, conspiring to
set up a training camp for jihad terrorists in Bly, Oregon. Abu Qatada was
convicted of plotting the jihad massacre of Americans and Israelis in Jordan.
Now have I plotted to fly a jetliner into Big Ben, or blow
myself up in a crowd of Britons? No, I’ve never plotted, called for or approved
of any kind of terrorist or vigilante violence against anyone. And thus May’s
speaking of me as the flip side of Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada is beyond outrageous:
it’s so ridiculous that it should lead any competent member of the British
Parliament to question not only her fitness to remain in office, but her
sanity.
“Islamophobia,” she says, of which I am guilty and thus
barred from the U.K., “comes from the same wellspring of hatred” as
anti-Semitism. And so she is boasting to a Jewish group about banning me, a
wholehearted supporter of Israel, and Pamela Geller, a Jewish woman, from
Britain, and then claiming that she is against anti-Semitism. Pull my other leg.
Her implication is that “anti-Muslim rhetoric” — that is,
public discussion of the jihad threat and what can be done about it — leads
inexorably to the demonization of Muslims and ultimately to genocide. This is
ridiculous, overheated rhetoric that only hinders the prospects of any genuine
discussion of the salient issues, and that is probably the goal all along. The
purpose of May’s equivalence of “Islamophobia” with anti-Semitism is designed
to intimidate people into thinking that criticism of Islamic jihad terror and
Sharia oppression of women, gays, and others leads to the concentration camps,
and thus there must be no criticism of these things. The unstated assumption is
that if one group was unjustly accused of plotting subversion and violence, and
was viciously persecuted and massacred on the basis of those false accusations,
then any group accused of plotting subversion and violence must be innocent,
and any such accusation must be in service of preparing for their subversion
and massacre.
This is simply a method to foreclose on any criticism of
jihad terror and Sharia oppression. By equating me with jihad terrorists, May
is essentially saying that opposing jihad terror is as bad as plotting jihad
terror. And that is exactly how May is acting now in her shabby little police
state: British authorities are hounding and persecuting foes of jihad terror,
while jihad preachers roam free and act with impunity. How will Britain look in
five years, or ten, as this continues? Future generations of free Britons, if
there are any, will curse the name of Theresa May, as one of the chief
betrayers of their nation.
“PM’s speech at the United Jewish Israel Appeal dinner: 17
September 2018,” Gov.uk, September 17, 2018 (thanks to the Geller Report):
I have come here
tonight as Prime Minister of our country to say that I stand with you.
I stand with the
UJIA. I stand with Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people. And I stand
with the entire Jewish community in Britain.
In the aftermath
of the Charlie Hebdo and Kosher shop attacks in Paris I came to a Board of
Deputies meeting and joined you in defiance of that horror to say “Je suis
Juif.”
And in the face of
any kind of hatred against the Jewish people – in any form and anywhere,
whether overseas or right here in our own country – I say with that same
defiance: “Je suis Juif.”
And I say that
tonight, not just speaking for myself, and not just speaking for my political
party, but also as Prime Minister, speaking for our whole country.
I know some in our
Jewish community say they are fearful of the future. I saw that poll on the
front page of the Jewish Chronicle and it sickens me that anyone should feel
like that in our country. I do not underestimate the threat posed by those who
promote antisemitism, or hatred in any form. Nor the pernicious nature of what
those people say and what they stand for.
But I do not
believe those voices speak for the vast, overwhelming majority of people in our
country.
I do not believe
they speak for the liberal, tolerant democracy where we – together – have made
our home.
And most
importantly, I do not believe that those voices will ever win.
For the sake of
our children and grandchildren, they cannot win.
And – together –
we will not let them win.
Together, we will
stand up for the values we share.
Together, we will
defeat the scourge of antisemitism and hatred in all its forms.
And together, we
will proudly support Israel as the homeland for the Jewish people.
Tonight I want to
talk about how we do all of these things. And there is no better place to
start, than by supporting the work of the UJIA.
If we are to stand
up for the values that we share – then one of the things we need to do is give
young Jewish people the confidence to be proud of their identity – as British,
Jewish and Zionist too.
There is no
contradiction between these identities – and we must never let anyone try to
suggest that there should be.
Indeed one of the
most sickening aspects of the antisemitism that tries, abhorrently, to suggest
Israel is a racist endeavour – is that those voices seek to separate the Jewish
diaspora in our country from their connection with Israel.
We must never let
that happen.
So UJIA’s work
here is absolutely vital, because it gives young Jewish people in Britain the
confidence to develop their connection with Israel.
Through formal and
informal education programmes it helps to cultivate their understanding and
appreciation of Jewish culture and identity.
And through Summer
visits and exchange programmes – which this year alone have seen more than 1600
young people spend time in Israel and many Israelis spending time here in the
community – UJIA gives young people the chance to learn about Israel and to
forge a deep and personal connection with it.
But UJIA does not
stop there. It also does important work to strengthen communities within Israel
itself and to build social cohesion.
By backing the
UJIA tonight you can help fund programmes which support ultra-orthodox men and
women to secure higher education qualifications and ultimately new
opportunities in the workplace. And you can support programmes which work to
integrate Israeli Arabs into Israel’s high tech industry and bring new business
to the Galil.
Programmes like
these are vital – because a more socially cohesive and more prosperous Israel
has a better chance of securing the long-term peace we all want to see.
And UJIA is also
at the forefront of new models of social impact investing, the cutting edge of
philanthropy, where you don’t just give capital away, you invest it for a
social return and sometimes then reinvest that capital in further projects –
meaning that money you give tonight can go even further than before.
By supporting
UJIA, you are also helping Britain and Israel to deepen our own bi-lateral ties
too.
Earlier this year,
we saw the wonderful visit of His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, the
first official Royal visit in Israel’s 70 year history.
And I am delighted
that UJIA played your part in that visit through your presence at the Duke’s
game of football with the Equalizer, an inspiring project that – with your
support – brings together Jewish and Arab boys and girls.
The Duke’s visit
was a celebration of our contemporary partnership with Israel. And it was
absolutely right that that the Duke also met other young people from Israeli
civil society, including LGBT leaders, those working on mental health issues
and those helping the less fortunate in society. And I applaud the work UJIA
does to support such groups.
We deeply value
our connections with Israeli civil society as part of the fabric that binds two
democracies together.
And it was great
to see another example of the strong bonds which extend beyond the Jewish
communities in our two countries – with the Tel Aviv in London Festival last
year, showcasing the rich culture of Tel Aviv and its citizens of all religious
and ethnic backgrounds. And we look forward to plans for a London in Tel Aviv
Festival to showcase London’s cultural diversity to all Israelis.
The last year has
also seen us mark the centenary of the Balfour Declaration.
I will never
forget standing with Prime Minister Netanyahu to view the original version of
that historic letter. It was very special moment and it encapsulates for me how
I feel about Israel.
For I am not just
proud to support Israel; I am proud of our role in the creation of Israel. And
I want to build the strongest and deepest possible relationship between our two
countries.
Indeed, as the
United Kingdom forges a bold new future outside the European Union, we will be
seeking free trade deals with our partners around the world. And as a great
start-up nation, an engine of enterprise, a world leader in technology, and a
great friend of Britain, I want to see an ambitious free trade deal between our
countries.
The UK is already
Israel’s second largest trading partner and its number one destination for
investment in Europe with more than 340 Israeli companies already operating
here.
While our
bilateral trade is already worth over $9 billion – up by more than a quarter on
last year alone.
And as I have said
to Prime Minister Netanyahu I want to build on this – deepening our links in
particular in sectors like agriculture, health, science, technology and
innovation.
But my support for
Israel goes beyond economics.
You can also count
on my commitment to Israel’s security.
I understand
Israel’s vulnerability because I have been there and seen it for myself.
Indeed, it was during my last visit in 2014 that the bodies of the murdered
teenagers Naftali Frenkel, Gilad Shaer and Eyal Yifrah were discovered.
So I am clear that
we will always support Israel’s right to defend itself.
And in a world
where Britain and Israel increasingly face the same shared challenges and
threats, I am just as clear that our security services will continue to deepen
their already excellent co-operation to keep all our people safe.
You can also count
on me to defend Israel’s values – because Israel is a country like ours that
believes in liberty, democracy and the rule of law.
Like Britain,
Israel is also prepared to act in support of the international community, just
as we saw this Summer. For when the White Helmets found themselves in grave
danger in South-Western Syria, it was the Israeli Defence Force which worked
with the international community to get them out.
But none of this
means, of course, that we don’t also have some disagreements with the
government of Israel.
And like everyone
here tonight, I want to see progress towards a lasting peace – a peace that
must be based on a two-state solution with a safe and secure Israel alongside a
viable and sovereign Palestinian State.
There will need to
be courage and vision from each side if we are to have a realistic chance of
achieving this goal – including an end to the building of new settlements and
an end to Palestinian incitement too.
The UK has – and will – also stand by Israel
whenever it is treated unfairly at the United Nations – as we have shown at the
Human Rights Council.
And as we work
together towards what was Balfour’s vision of a peaceful co-existence – we must
be equally clear that there can never be any excuses for boycotts, divestment
or sanctions: they are unacceptable and this government will have no truck with
those who subscribe to them.
Under my
leadership the UK will always be a real and trusted partner for Israel,
supporting Israel’s security and prosperity, not just through our words but
also through our actions.
So too, will I act
to stand with our Jewish community by rooting out the scourge of antisemitism
here in our own country – just as I will stand with every community in Britain
to fight racial and religious hatred in any form.
Let me be clear:
you cannot claim to be tackling racism, if you are not tackling antisemitism.
And that mission
begins by being clear about what antisemitism is.
That is why the
government I lead was the first in the world to adopt the definition of the
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance.
Because of this
definition, no-one can plead ignorance or hide behind any kind of excuse.
Let me say it very
clearly.
Criticising the
actions of Israel is never – and can never be – an excuse for questioning
Israel’s right to exist; any more than criticising Britain’s actions could be
an excuse for questioning our right to exist.
And criticising
the government of Israel is never – and can never be – an excuse for hatred
against the Jewish people – any more than criticising the British government
would be an excuse for hatred against the British people.
There are no
excuses for any kind of hatred towards the Jewish people.
Just as there are
no excuses for hatred towards any community of any race or religion.
No excuses, means
no excuses.
And we will not
stop at calling out those who spread this hatred, whether against the Jewish
community or any other racial or religious community in our country.
We will record it
and punish those responsible for it.
That is why as
Home Secretary I required all police forces to record religious hate crimes
separately, by faith.
And I acted to
keep those who peddle hatred and extremism out of our country.
I kicked out Abu
Hamza and Abu Qatada.
I stopped Pamela Geller, Robert Spencer and
Pastor Terry Jones – because Islamophobia comes from the same wellspring of
hatred.
And I
stopped people like Dieudonne coming to Britain. Because nothing excuses
antisemitism – not comedy, not satire, not even irony. Antisemitism is just hatred. And it is just
wrong….
Robert Spencer at Breitbart: Theresa May’s Tories Targeted
Critics of Islam Instead of Terrorists,
May 30, 2017 12:12 pm By Robert Spencer
Theresa May is a
criminal traitor. As the Englishman puts it in the video here: “Our own
protectors are turning against us. Because the people that are bloody tellin’
them the rules ‘ave got it all wrong, THERESA MAY.” He pronounces the Prime
Minister’s name with all the contempt she so richly deserves.
My latest at Breitbart:
The United Kingdom
and the world are still reeling from the jihad terror attack in at an Ariana
Grande concert in Manchester that murdered 22 people and injured 59, and the
country remains on high alert as police have uncovered and are hunting for the
members of an entire jihadi network connected with the Manchester attack.
MI5 has also revealed that there are as many
as 23,000 jihad terrorists on the streets of Britain today.
That’s an army.
And Britain is indeed at war. But this is not just a problem that Prime
Minister Theresa May has the responsibility to solve. It is also a problem that
she and her colleagues have created.
This Britain of
troops on the streets and high tension over another imminent jihad attack is
the Britain that Theresa May and her ilk have chosen. This is the Britain of
the policies that she and her predecessors, David Cameron,Gordon Brown, and
Tony Blair have followed for years. They now have the Britain they have made.
In getting to today’s traumatized, bloodied, nervous, frightened Britain, they
followed a multi-pronged strategy.
One chief element
of this strategy was to demonize and marginalize anyone who spoke too clearly
about the motivating ideology behind jihad terrorism.
For years, May and
her cohorts have hounded, stigmatized, and demonized foes of jihad terror,
falsely claiming that they represent a “far-right” equivalent to jihad
terrorists, while appeasing and accommodating Muslim groups in Britain, many of
which were by no stretch of the imagination “moderate,” and allowing numerous
jihad preachers to operate without hindrance.
Meanwhile, Britain
has a steadily lengthening record of admitting jihad preachers without a moment
of hesitation. Syed Muzaffar Shah Qadri’s preaching of hatred and jihad
violence was so hardline that he was banned from preaching in Pakistan, but the
UK Home Office welcomed him into Britain.
The UK Home Office
recently admitted Shaykh Hamza Sodagar into the country, despite the fact that
he has said: “If there’s homosexual men, the punishment is one of five things.
One – the easiest one maybe – chop their head off, that’s the easiest. Second –
burn them to death. Third – throw ’em off a cliff. Fourth – tear down a wall on
them so they die under that. Fifth – a combination of the above.”
May’s government
likewise admitted two jihad preachers who had praised the murderer of a foe of
Pakistan’s blasphemy laws. One of them was even welcomed at the airport by no
less illustrious a personage than the Archbishop of Canterbury.
What can one
conclude from all this than that the British government is indifferent to the
preaching of jihad terror and Sharia oppression in the country?
But toward
Christian preaching it is not so charitable.
The UK government
last December banned three bishops from areas of Iraq and Syria where Christians
are persecuted from entering the country. And of course, May also has banned me
from entering the country for the crime of saying: “[Islam] is a religion and
is a belief system that mandates warfare against unbelievers.”
Yet that is a
manifest and readily demonstrable fact. It was tantamount to banning me for
saying that human beings need oxygen to live.
In sum, May and
her predecessors for years have been effectively encouraging the preaching of
jihad, while energetically discouraging and stigmatizing resistance to jihad.
That road leads to
Manchester.
When you ban foes
of jihad and allow jihad preachers to enter and preach all over the country,
you’re going to get more jihad. And so that is what Britain has today, and will
have a great deal more of in the near future.
Events canceled
for security concerns, heavily armed troops roaming the trains and the streets,
the candle and flower industries booming as more and more impromptu monuments
spring up to an ever-rising number of victims of jihad — this is Theresa May’s
Britain. This is the Britain she wanted. This is the Britain she has.
If Britain
survives as a free nation, which is quite reasonably in question at this point,
Theresa May will not be remembered as a statesman. She will be excoriated as
the useful idiot she is, one among the small group that is chiefly responsible
for the downfall of British society.
Theresa May’s New Approach: More of
the Same,
“Enough is enough,” she says after the London attacks, but
clearly she wants more.
June 5, 2017, Robert Spencer
The United Kingdom has just suffered its second major jihad
massacre in as many weeks, and Prime Minister Theresa May, facing an
unexpectedly tough electoral challenge, is talking tough. “It is time,” she
proclaimed, “to say enough is enough….Our society should continue to function
in accordance with our values but when it comes to taking on extremism and
terrorism things need to change.”
Indeed they do. Nothing is clearer at this point than the
catastrophic failure of the approach to jihad terrorism that May and her
predecessors David Cameron, Gordon Brown, and Tony Blair have pursued since
9/11. For years, the British government has hounded, stigmatized, and demonized
foes of jihad terror, falsely claiming that they represent a “far-right”
equivalent to jihad terrorists, and has appeased and accommodated Muslim groups
in Britain, many of which were by no stretch of the imagination “moderate,” and
allowing numerous jihad preachers to operate without hindrance.
What has been the result? The jihad massacre at the Ariana
Grande concert in Manchester in May, and Saturday night’s jihad attacks in
London. And there is much, much more to come. The British government’s approach
has failed so dismally that “when it comes to taking on extremism and terrorism
things need to change” may be wisest thing Theresa May has ever said, or ever
will say, during her tenure as Prime Minister.
One of the chief things that needs to change, if May is
really serious about “taking on extremism and terrorism,” is the official
denial of the jihad terrorists’ motivating ideology. No one can defeat an enemy
that he doesn’t understand, much less one that he refuses to understand, and
yet that is the position of the May government (and of the U.S. government as
well, although we may hope that this swamp will eventually be drained): jihad
terror has nothing whatsoever to do with Islam.
Yet the London attackers were hardly shy about what
motivated them. One eyewitness recounted: “They went, ‘This is for Allah,’ and
they had a woman on the floor, and they were stabbing her, all three,
constantly.” The mother of a young man who was wounded in the attacks said: “He
just stepped outside the bar for a second and a man ran up to him and said:
‘This is for my family, this is for Islam’, and stuck a knife straight in him.
He’s got a seven-inch scar going from his belly round to his back.”
But Theresa May is convinced that they didn’t do it for
Allah or Islam at all. She said that the jihadis were “bound together by the
single evil ideology of Islamist extremism that preaches hatred, sows division
and promotes sectarianism. It is an ideology that claims our Western values of
freedom, democracy and human rights are incompatible with the religion of
Islam. It is an ideology that is a perversion of Islam and a perversion of the
truth.”
“A perversion of Islam.” May didn’t bother to explain how
killing non-Muslims was a “perversion” of a religion with a holy book that
thrice exhorts believers to kill those who dare to worship others besides Allah
(cf. 2:191, 4:89, 9:5), tells them to “strike the necks” of the unbelievers
(47:4) and to fight “the People of the Book” (primarily Jews and Christians)
“until they pay the jizya with willing submission and feel themselves subdued”
(9:29). She didn’t elucidate the mysterious process by which Muhammad, who is
supposed to be the founder of Islam, ending up holding a “perversion” of it, as
he directed his followers to invite unbelievers to accept Islam or pay the
jizya, or to go to war with them if they refused both options (Sahih Muslim
4294).
May’s continuing willful ignorance will doom to defeat her
effort to change things, if she really attempts one at all. The main thing she
needs to change is her mindset, and that of the British political and law
enforcement establishment. But the mindset of denial and willful ignorance is
deeply entrenched in Britain, such that if she loses the upcoming election, the
new Prime Minister, Jeremy Corbyn, will make her look, of all things, tough on
terror.
And so it is likely that in the near future, the British
people will look back on the good old days when Islamic jihadis hit Manchester
and London within two weeks, and marvel that they waited so long between terror
attacks. Jihad mass murder is going to be an increasingly common feature of the
British landscape for a considerable period to come, and for that, Britons have
no one to thank more than…Theresa May
https://www.frontpagemag.com/fpm/266895/theresa-mays-new-approach-more-same-robert-spencer
-
Pamela Geller om May, pluss
hele talen til jødisk kongress e l:
UK Prime Minister
May likens Pamela Geller to jihad terrorists Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada
By Pamela Geller -
on September 18, 2018
“And I acted to keep those who peddle hatred and extremism
out of our country. I kicked out Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada. I stopped Pamela
Geller, Robert Spencer and Pastor Terry Jones – because Islamophobia comes from
the same wellspring of hatred. And I stopped people like Dieudonne coming to
Britain. Because nothing excuses antisemitism – not comedy, not satire, not
even irony. Antisemitism is just hatred. And it is just wrong.”
This is how viciously out of touch and divorced from reality
Theresa May is. Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada were preachers of jihad who were
implicated in jihad terror plotting. I have never called for or condoned any
violence. And “Islamophobia” does not remotely come from the same wellspring as
antisemitism. Antisemitism is the hatred of the Jews because they are Jews.
Jews aren’t and never have been staging terror attacks and calling upon
individuals to attack innocent civilians. “Islamophobia,” by contrast, is an
invented propaganda term designed to intimidate people into thinking that
opposing jihad terror and the sharia oppression of women, gays and others is
somehow wrong.
By drawing an equivalence between me and violent jihad
terrorists, May is essentially saying that to oppose jihad is the same thing as
to plot jihad. This is as insane as it is libelous. May is boasting to a Jewish
group that she banned me, a proud Jew and indefatigable supporter of Israel,
and expecting applause from them for doing so. Given the Jewish leadership in
Britain, she will probably get it. But that doesn’t excuse this absurd libel.
“PM’s speech at the United Jewish Israel Appeal dinner: 17
September 2018,” Gov.uk, September 17, 2018:
I have come here
tonight as Prime Minister of our country to say that I stand with you.
I stand with the
UJIA. I stand with Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people. And I stand
with the entire Jewish community in Britain.
In the aftermath
of the Charlie Hebdo and Kosher shop attacks in Paris I came to a Board of
Deputies meeting and joined you in defiance of that horror to say “Je suis
Juif.”
And in the face of
any kind of hatred against the Jewish people – in any form and anywhere,
whether overseas or right here in our own country – I say with that same
defiance: “Je suis Juif.”
And I say that
tonight, not just speaking for myself, and not just speaking for my political
party, but also as Prime Minister, speaking for our whole country.
I know some in our
Jewish community say they are fearful of the future. I saw that poll on the
front page of the Jewish Chronicle and it sickens me that anyone should feel
like that in our country. I do not underestimate the threat posed by those who
promote antisemitism, or hatred in any form. Nor the pernicious nature of what
those people say and what they stand for.
But I do not
believe those voices speak for the vast, overwhelming majority of people in our
country.
I do not believe
they speak for the liberal, tolerant democracy where we – together – have made
our home.
And most
importantly, I do not believe that those voices will ever win.
For the sake of
our children and grandchildren, they cannot win.
And – together –
we will not let them win.
Together, we will
stand up for the values we share.
Together, we will
defeat the scourge of antisemitism and hatred in all its forms.
And together, we
will proudly support Israel as the homeland for the Jewish people.
Tonight I want to
talk about how we do all of these things. And there is no better place to
start, than by supporting the work of the UJIA.
If we are to stand
up for the values that we share – then one of the things we need to do is give
young Jewish people the confidence to be proud of their identity – as British,
Jewish and Zionist too.
There is no
contradiction between these identities – and we must never let anyone try to
suggest that there should be.
Indeed one of the
most sickening aspects of the antisemitism that tries, abhorrently, to suggest
Israel is a racist endeavour – is that those voices seek to separate the Jewish
diaspora in our country from their connection with Israel.
We must never let
that happen.
So UJIA’s work
here is absolutely vital, because it gives young Jewish people in Britain the
confidence to develop their connection with Israel.
Through formal and
informal education programmes it helps to cultivate their understanding and
appreciation of Jewish culture and identity.
And through Summer
visits and exchange programmes – which this year alone have seen more than 1600
young people spend time in Israel and many Israelis spending time here in the
community – UJIA gives young people the chance to learn about Israel and to
forge a deep and personal connection with it.
But UJIA does not
stop there. It also does important work to strengthen communities within Israel
itself and to build social cohesion.
By backing the
UJIA tonight you can help fund programmes which support ultra-orthodox men and
women to secure higher education qualifications and ultimately new
opportunities in the workplace. And you can support programmes which work to
integrate Israeli Arabs into Israel’s high tech industry and bring new business
to the Galil.
Programmes like
these are vital – because a more socially cohesive and more prosperous Israel
has a better chance of securing the long-term peace we all want to see.
And UJIA is also
at the forefront of new models of social impact investing, the cutting edge of
philanthropy, where you don’t just give capital away, you invest it for a
social return and sometimes then reinvest that capital in further projects –
meaning that money you give tonight can go even further than before.
By supporting
UJIA, you are also helping Britain and Israel to deepen our own bi-lateral ties
too.
Earlier this year,
we saw the wonderful visit of His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, the
first official Royal visit in Israel’s 70 year history.
And I am delighted
that UJIA played your part in that visit through your presence at the Duke’s
game of football with the Equalizer, an inspiring project that – with your
support – brings together Jewish and Arab boys and girls.
The Duke’s visit
was a celebration of our contemporary partnership with Israel. And it was
absolutely right that that the Duke also met other young people from Israeli
civil society, including LGBT leaders, those working on mental health issues
and those helping the less fortunate in society. And I applaud the work UJIA
does to support such groups.
We deeply value
our connections with Israeli civil society as part of the fabric that binds two
democracies together.
And it was great
to see another example of the strong bonds which extend beyond the Jewish
communities in our two countries – with the Tel Aviv in London Festival last
year, showcasing the rich culture of Tel Aviv and its citizens of all religious
and ethnic backgrounds. And we look forward to plans for a London in Tel Aviv
Festival to showcase London’s cultural diversity to all Israelis.
The last year has
also seen us mark the centenary of the Balfour Declaration.
I will never
forget standing with Prime Minister Netanyahu to view the original version of
that historic letter. It was very special moment and it encapsulates for me how
I feel about Israel.
For I am not just
proud to support Israel; I am proud of our role in the creation of Israel. And
I want to build the strongest and deepest possible relationship between our two
countries.
Indeed, as the
United Kingdom forges a bold new future outside the European Union, we will be
seeking free trade deals with our partners around the world. And as a great
start-up nation, an engine of enterprise, a world leader in technology, and a
great friend of Britain, I want to see an ambitious free trade deal between our
countries.
The UK is already
Israel’s second largest trading partner and its number one destination for
investment in Europe with more than 340 Israeli companies already operating
here.
While our
bilateral trade is already worth over $9 billion – up by more than a quarter on
last year alone.
And as I have said
to Prime Minister Netanyahu I want to build on this – deepening our links in
particular in sectors like agriculture, health, science, technology and
innovation.
But my support for
Israel goes beyond economics.
You can also count
on my commitment to Israel’s security.
I understand
Israel’s vulnerability because I have been there and seen it for myself.
Indeed, it was during my last visit in 2014 that the bodies of the murdered
teenagers Naftali Frenkel, Gilad Shaer and Eyal Yifrah were discovered.
So I am clear that
we will always support Israel’s right to defend itself.
And in a world
where Britain and Israel increasingly face the same shared challenges and
threats, I am just as clear that our security services will continue to deepen
their already excellent co-operation to keep all our people safe.
You can also count
on me to defend Israel’s values – because Israel is a country like ours that
believes in liberty, democracy and the rule of law.
Like Britain, Israel is also prepared to act
in support of the international community, just as we saw this Summer. For when
the White Helmets found themselves in grave danger in South-Western Syria, it
was the Israeli Defence Force which worked with the international community to
get them out.
But none of this
means, of course, that we don’t also have some disagreements with the
government of Israel.
And like everyone
here tonight, I want to see progress towards a lasting peace – a peace that must
be based on a two-state solution with a safe and secure Israel alongside a
viable and sovereign Palestinian State.
There will need to
be courage and vision from each side if we are to have a realistic chance of
achieving this goal – including an end to the building of new settlements and
an end to Palestinian incitement too.
The UK has – and
will – also stand by Israel whenever it is treated unfairly at the United
Nations – as we have shown at the Human Rights Council.
And as we work
together towards what was Balfour’s vision of a peaceful co-existence – we must
be equally clear that there can never be any excuses for boycotts, divestment
or sanctions: they are unacceptable and this government will have no truck with
those who subscribe to them.
Under my
leadership the UK will always be a real and trusted partner for Israel,
supporting Israel’s security and prosperity, not just through our words but
also through our actions.
So too, will I act
to stand with our Jewish community by rooting out the scourge of antisemitism
here in our own country – just as I will stand with every community in Britain
to fight racial and religious hatred in any form.
Let me be clear:
you cannot claim to be tackling racism, if you are not tackling antisemitism.
And that mission
begins by being clear about what antisemitism is.
That is why the
government I lead was the first in the world to adopt the definition of the
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance.
Because of this
definition, no-one can plead ignorance or hide behind any kind of excuse.
Let me say it very
clearly.
Criticising the
actions of Israel is never – and can never be – an excuse for questioning
Israel’s right to exist; any more than criticising Britain’s actions could be
an excuse for questioning our right to exist.
And criticising
the government of Israel is never – and can never be – an excuse for hatred
against the Jewish people – any more than criticising the British government
would be an excuse for hatred against the British people.
There are no
excuses for any kind of hatred towards the Jewish people.
Just as there are
no excuses for hatred towards any community of any race or religion.
No excuses, means
no excuses.
And we will not
stop at calling out those who spread this hatred, whether against the Jewish
community or any other racial or religious community in our country.
We will record it
and punish those responsible for it.
That is why as Home Secretary I required all police forces to record
religious hate crimes separately, by faith.
And I acted to keep those who peddle hatred and extremism out of our
country.
I kicked out Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada.
I stopped Pamela Geller, Robert Spencer and Pastor Terry Jones – because
Islamophobia comes from the same wellspring of hatred.
And I stopped people like Dieudonne coming to Britain. Because nothing
excuses antisemitism – not comedy, not satire, not even irony.
Antisemitism is
just hatred. And it is just wrong….
London’s Muslim
mayor slams Trump for retweeting videos of Muslims being violent
By Pamela Geller -
on December 1, 2017
I am banned from the UK, but this jihadi is Mayor of London.
London Mayor Sadiq Khan once shared a platform with Borough Market jihad
attacker’s “close friend” who “trained one of the 7/7 bombers.” He downplayed
this by saying it was a long time ago. But imagine if Sadiq Khan had shared a
platform with me or one of my colleagues — a foe of jihad and champion of human
rights. It would be part of the rap sheet the left would have on him forever,
and he would never live it down. Britain is much more hospitable to jihad mass
murderers than to warriors for freedom such as President Trump.
Here again we see a British governing official blaming the
messenger. Britain has a massive problem with jihad, and instead of doing
something about it, Theresa May and Sadiq Khan are blaming Trump for calling
attention to it. There have been over 30,000 jihad attacks around the world
since 9/11, each with the imprimatur of a Muslim cleric. But no, the problem is
all Donald Trump and Britain First — and me. The Huffington Post and the Guardian
both blamed me for Trump’s retweets. Insane.
“London mayor hits Trump over anti-Muslim videos,” by Maegan
Vazquez, CNN, November 30, 2017:
Washington
(CNN)The mayor of London slammed President Donald Trump on Thursday for
retweeting anti-Muslim propaganda from a British far-right party, and suggested
UK Prime Minister Theresa May shouldn’t welcome Trump into their country for a
state visit.
The statement from
Sadiq Khan adds another notable voice to the growing list of leading British
officials who have expressed outrage over Trump’s retweets, which have created
an international incident and opened a rift between the US and its closest
ally.
Khan, who is
Muslim, called Britain First, the far-right party Trump retweeted on Wednesday,
“a vile, extremist group that exists solely to sow division and hatred in our
country.” He added that the videos make it “increasingly clear that any
official visit at all from President Trump to Britain would not be welcomed.”
Trump caused
outrage in Britain by retweeting three videos posted by Jayda Frandsen, the
deputy leader of Britain First. The inflammatory videos showed people purported
to be Muslims carrying out assaults and, in one video, smashing a statue of the
Virgin Mary.
“Many Brits who love
America and Americans will see this as a betrayal of the special relationship
between our two countries,” Khan continued. “It beggars belief that the
President of our closest ally doesn’t see that his support of this extremist
group actively undermines the values of tolerance and diversity that makes
Britain so great.”
Following Trump’s
retweets on Wednesday, a spokesperson for May said Trump was “wrong” to share
the videos.
Trump took aim at
May following the statement, tweeting: “@Theresa_May, don’t focus on me, focus
on the destructive Radical Islamic Terrorism that is taking place within the
United Kingdom. We are doing just fine!”
On Thursday, a
spokesperson at Downing Street said May is standing by her criticism of the
President, but said the offer of a state visit seems to be on track.
“The Prime
Minister is very clear that it was wrong to tweet those videos,” the statement
said. “But the US is one of our longest, closest and most trusted allies. The
offer of a state visit has been extended and accepted. Further details will be
set out in due course.”
British Ambassador
to the US Kim Darroch said Thursday he raised his concerns about the tweets to
the White House.
“British people
overwhelmingly reject the prejudiced rhetoric of the far right, which seek to
divide communities & erode decency, tolerance & respect. British
Muslims are peaceful and law abiding citizens. And I raised these concerns with
the White House yesterday,” Darroch tweeted
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